Travellers to the Middle East from Burckhardt to Thesiger: An Anthology
318
Travellers to the Middle East from Burckhardt to Thesiger: An Anthology
318Paperback(New Edition)
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Overview
Product Details
| ISBN-13: | 9780857283931 |
|---|---|
| Publisher: | Anthem Press |
| Publication date: | 07/01/2011 |
| Series: | Anthem Studies in Travel |
| Edition description: | New Edition |
| Pages: | 318 |
| Product dimensions: | 5.90(w) x 8.90(h) x 0.90(d) |
About the Author
Read an Excerpt
Travellers to the Middle East from Burckhardt to Thesiger: an Anthology
By Geoffrey Nash
Wimbledon Publishing Company
Copyright © 2011 Geoffrey NashAll rights reserved.
ISBN: 978-0-85728-393-1
CHAPTER 1
THE OTTOMAN EMPIRE AND EGYPT
Historical Background
The interventions of Christian powers in Islamic lands, starting with the Napoleonic invasion of Egypt in 1798 and the British counter-attack of 1799–1802, had a profound psychological effect on Muslim states as far a field as Persia. Ottoman decline had been in evidence since the eighteenth century: military reverses and economic stagnation had reduced her territory and made her vulnerable to the expansive European powers, most importantly Russia. Ottoman Turkey at the beginning of this period had become for Europeans the problematic core of the 'Eastern Question' and would remain so for the rest of the nineteenth century. Attempts at reform by successive Ottoman Sultans seemed to most European outsiders only a staving of inevitable collapse. In 1807 Selim III was deposed and later murdered after the Janissaries – who with the ulama formed a bastion of reaction – rose to resist his military reorganization. Mahmud II eventually managed to destroy the Janissaries in 1826 and to institute wholesale reform of the army, but not before Serbia had won autonomy (1813) and Greece her independence (1830). Another potentially critical secession was forestalled in Albania by a massacre of dissident pashas and their supporters in 1830. Ottoman weaknesses had contributed to the rise of a rival power in Egypt, which the Albanian Muhammad Ali took over in 1805. Though nominally under Turkish suzerainty, the armies of the Egyptian pasha expanded into the Hijaz and Central Arabia, and under the command of Muhammad Ali's son Ibrahim completed the occupation of Syria in 1833. Only intervention of the European Powers prevented the fall of Istanbul and ended Muhammad Ali's control of Syria in 1840. Later conflicts and diplomacy, notably the Crimean War (1854–56) and the Eastern Crisis that culminated in the Treaty of Berlin of 1878, saw Ottoman power and territorial possessions further denuded. By the 1870s both the Sublime Porte at Istanbul and Muhammad Ali's successors in Egypt had accrued massive debts to European capitalists further undermining the coherence and independence of the states over which they claimed jurisdiction.
Travellers and their Narratives
English connections with Turkey went back to the era of Suleyman the Magnificent. Trade with the Ottoman Empire began to flourish in the second half of the sixteenth century. The Turkey, later Levant, Company had been founded by royal consent in 1581, and its representative in Istanbul appointed as Queen Elizabeth's 'messenger, deputie and agent' to the Ottoman court (Searight 1979: 17). Lady Wortley Montagu's flattering and, from the point of view of gender, challenging portrayal of Istanbul society in her Turkish Embassy Letters, written during her husband's period as ambassador from 1717–18, but published in 1763, helped 'a positive, almost apologetic strain of thought about Turkey' to emerge (Paterson LTE: 893). But the debate over the civility of the Ottoman Turks remained polarised up to 1880 and beyond. William Eton, in A Survey of the Turkish Empire (1807), characterised them as 'unredeemable barbarians affecting a "haughty conceit of superiority arising from the most narrow and intolerable bigotry." He ... spoke scathingly of the harem, the faithlessness of Turkish wives, and the sexual perversions of the men which ... had led to the depopulation of the country' (Schiffer 1999: 371–2). When Stratford Canning became ambassador at the beginning of the nineteenth century trade with the Ottoman Empire became secondary to concern about its political viability. Dangers to European travellers had subsided by the time Lord Byron made his first visit to the Levant in 1809–10, but revived during the decade 1820–30, mostly owing to the Greek War of Independence. David Urquhart, the Scottish radical and later briefly Member of Parliament.– who would become notorious as the Turks' closest friend – arrived in the Ottoman capital as the new decade began, at almost the same time as the flamboyant future Tory Prime Minister and bolsterer of Turkey, Benjamin Disraeli.
With the onset of the Victorian age ever increasing numbers of visitors continued to arrive in Ottoman domains either en route to India via Egypt, or as pilgrims or sightseers to the holy land, while in the 1840s the start of Thomas Cook tours to the Upper Nile by steamer heightened Egypt's appeal as a tourist destination (Gregory: 1999; Kark: 2001). The genre of travel writing was irrevocably altered by one of these visitors. Alexander Kinglake set out for Ottoman domains in 1834 but the account of his travels, Eothen, was not published until 1844. In spite of – or more probably because of – his refusal to reproduce stale geographical and historical information as well as stereotypical 'political disquisitions' and 'moral reflexions', Kinglake's work quickly became a much imitated model in its own right, an early example being his friend Eliot Warburton's, The Crescent and The Rose (1844). As Edward Said (1978:193–4) pointed out: Eothen also set the standard for an arrogant disdain of native orientals which was part of an emerging British imperial identity also to be observed in Thackeray's Notes of a Journey from Cornhill to Grand Cairo (1846). A less secular, more Protestant chauvinism, albeit of an ambivalent kind, is present in Robert Curzon's Visits to Monasteries of the Levant (1849). On the other hand, Lucy Duff Gordon's Letters from Egypt (1865) and Last Letters from Egypt (1875), which at the time of their publication approached Kinglake and Warburton in popularity, challenged the impact of commercialism and Eurocentrism on Egypt, this despite the fact that, owing to their criticism of the Khedive and the Turko–Circassian ruling class, Duff Gordon's letters were 'used as propaganda to legitimize British rule after 1882' (Lockwood LTE: 351).
DAVID URQUHART (1805–1877)
Son of a Scottish laird by his second wife, after being educated partly abroad, Urquhart spent a few months at Woolwich Arsenal where, according to the 1898 DNB entry, he 'acquired some knowledge of gunnery. 'Whilst at Oxford he was advised by Jeremy Bentham to travel in the Levant (Maehl, 1981: 512). His association with Ottoman Turkey began in 1827 when he fought briefly for the Greeks in their war of independence. After the war had ended he gained a name for himself by his report on the borders of the new state. In 1831 he accompanied Ambassador Extraordinary Sir Stratford Canning to Istanbul where he became first secretary at the British embassy. So began a career that saw Urquhart exercise an important influence on the public mind in the early and mid-Victorian periods as a propagandist for Turkey and a virulent enemy of Russia and Lord Palmerston. The 1830s was a decade in which he swapped diplomacy for political pamphleteering and intrigue and also succeeded in publishing The Spirit of the East: a Journal of Travels through Roumelia, a work that mixes unobtrusive political commentary with romantic descriptions of the wild and sublime scenery of Greece and Albania, and celebration of Ottoman culture and civility. From thereon political writings far outnumber works of travel – Lebanon: A History and a Diary of 1860, is a rare combination of the two. Urquhart's promotion of the Turkish bath in England created a perhaps more lasting legacy than his brushes with Chartism and foreign policy, although, as W.S. Blunt observed, a 'School of Urquhart' that questioned Britain's dealings with other states continued into the 1880s, the very moment when Blunt himself began agitating against his country's interventions in the Middle East (Kedourie 1956: Ch 1).
From:
The Spirit of the East (1838)
Here the reader is presented with two juxtapositions that contrast the effects of ignorant cross-cultural encounter. First, the young Turkish nationals who ape European customs and manners are as a consequence 'denationalize[d]'. Second, the Frankish visitor to the East through his boorishness only succeeds in blundering his way into a pasha's selamlik.
Social Intercourse with the Turks
Among a class of young men in the capital, chiefly belonging to the regular troops, there is an affectation to every thing European. Among them it is no extraordinary thing for a European to find himself treated, as he supposes, with every external mark of courtesy; but a position which is only to be gained by a change that remains to be effected, and cannot be so without difficulty and without danger, and the sphere of which is limited and insignificant, is scarcely worthy of observation. To establish the fact that a European may place himself within the pale of the national feeling, is I conceive, of the deepest importance, either as throwing light on the Turkish character, or as affording a new means of action on the Turkish nation.
I make these observations after two years intercourse with Mussulmans, on the footing of the most entire and perfect equality. It is true that many of my friends, for a long time, severally, believed that they alone were in the habit of treating me in such a manner; that such conduct was in violation of the precepts of their religion, and was only justified in my case from a supposed difference with other Europeans. It is perhaps superfluous to add, that in the faith of Islamism there is not the slightest ground for this supposition. Had it been so, Constantinople never could have been theirs. As a notable instance of the reverse, the Conqueror of Constantinople not only got up to receive the Greek Patriarch, his subject and a Christian, but accompanied him to the door of his palace, and sent all his ministers on foot to conduct him home.
But, whatever have been the wrongs, feelings, or habits of the past, a reaction has now taken place in Turkey in favour of Europe. The change of dress, in imitation of those nations whose policy has been so injurious to them, exhibits great docility of mind, and proves that there has existed, unobserved by us, or, at all events, that there now exists among them, a spirit of imitativeness, which, in a nation (if well directed) contains the element of progress and amelioration. And, as if to render this proof the more conclusive, that which they have imitated has neither inherent merit nor external attractions. Now a new duty devolves upon us, — that of directing their docility, and assisting their selection.
At present, among the Turks, there is no individual possessed of a thorough knowledge of Europe; and yet no man, not perfectly and equally conversant with the ideas, instruction, and institutions of the East and of the West, can reason to a satisfactory conclusion respecting what they ought, or ought not, to imitate. Amongst us there is no one sufficiently acquainted with their institutions and character to be able to become their guide. However beneficial, therefore, this change of disposition might be, were we in knowledge equal to the position offered us, it is to me a subject, under actual circumstances, of alarm rather than congratulation. Their imitation of Europe will be without knowledge or discrimination. That which we possess of value can only be obtained by years of labour, after adopting the fit direction, which a superior mind alone can give: that which is valueless is easily adopted and mimicked, if not copied. The former is scientific and practical knowledge; the latter is manners, vice, and taxes. Whatever, therefore, the Turks easily and rapidly adopt from Europe is not only bad in itself, but destructive of that which is good and estimable amongst themselves. That which it is advantageous for them to imitate is slow in acquisition, silent in its progress, and laborious in its course — it is useful and practical knowledge. Such knowledge is to be obtained in two ways, — 1st, by sending young men to Europe; 2ndly, by carrying to the East men of letters and professors of science.
The first process is open to the most serious objections; it denationalizes these young Easterns, and will send them home depraved in morals, presumptuous in disposition, and intractable to the habits and customs of their compatriots. They will have lost also their simplicity of mind: they will carry back the mental maladies of Europeans.
Having been the first myself to bring young Turks to Europe for the purpose of education, I am induced to state these conclusions, not only as having been confirmed by observation and my own experience, but as having preceded the experiment. The young men I brought with me, I scarcely ever allowed out of my own sight. It was my constant endeavour to maintain their self-respect, and to make them sensible, at the same time, of all that was bad and injurious in our habits and customs, while cultivating their respect for our real merits. In this most anxious and laborious undertaking I was, however, actuated not by the desire of seeing young Turks sent to Europe (as has been the result), but of preparing the way for the second process of communication, which I have above alluded to, viz. selecting men of scientific acquirements to go to Turkey, with the view of their studying the genius of that people before entering on the duties of public instruction there. To this project the author lent his warm support, and even authorized its execution; but the apprehension of the insidious and powerful means directed to thwart every attempt to strengthen Turkey, or to cement its union with England, induced me to postpone the execution until possessed of surer guarantees of its success, and fortunate it was that I did so.
It is impossible that a people should adopt a double type of distinct customs, nor can they admit a new impression without disturbing and destroying the old; and as custom is the regulator and symbol of thoughts, feelings, and duties, nothing can be more dangerous to the constitution of a state, and the morality of a people, than a change of custom. In dealing with this question, I am equally impressed with the importance of this truth, and with the difficulty of rendering it intelligible to those I am addressing.
Custom, in English, conveys an idea which we despise; Adet, in Turkish, that of a venerated authority paramount to all others. Every thought, therefore, of the one people on this subject is unintelligible to the other, and every expression of the one conveys an imperfect or false idea to the other.
Presentation of a European in Eastern Society
The European arrives, probably on foot, attended by an interpreter; he has nothing about him of the state and style which commands respect; he meets with none, he expects none; his approach is perfectly unheeded. He ascends the staircase in his tight and meagre costume — the costume of the despised class of the country. Some of the attendants, in reply to his inquiries, point to the door of the Selamlik. A shuffling is then heard by those seated within; the Frank is getting off his boots and putting on his slippers, or drawing slippers on above his boots; when he gets up with a reddened face, and escapes from the door-curtain, which has fallen on his head and shoulders, he comes tripping into the room in his inconvenient chassure, and is certain to stumble, if not before, on the step at the bottom of the room.
Ushered in thus to the party, he looks with a startled air all round, to find out which is the master of the house; he does not know what salutation to make, he does not know where to make it; he does not know whether he ought to be saluted by the host first; and his bewilderment is completed by the motionless composure of every thing around him. He then retreats abashed to the lower part of the room, or, in modest ignorance, not wishing to put himself forward, retires to the corner which has been left vacant by the mutual deference of two grandees. He then either perches himself, like an Egyptian statue, on the very edge of the sofa, or throws himself lolling backwards, with his legs spread out; an attitude scarcely less indecorous than elevating the legs on the table would be in England. These are incidents which may deprive a stranger of consideration, though they do not render him disagreeable or offensive; but, unfortunately, too often our countrymen make a display of awkwardness and presumption, by no means calculated either to smooth the way for themselves, or to leave the door of friendship open to future travellers. Nothing is more common than treading upon bowls of pipes; knocking over the coal or the ashes on an embroidered carpet, or upsetting a narguillé; scattering the fire about, while it rolls over pouring the water on the floor: and many a stranger, who considers himself degraded by putting on slippers, will walk in with an assuming and stately air with his boots on, which is revolting alike to every feeling of cleanliness, and every principle of decorum.
(Continues...)
Excerpted from Travellers to the Middle East from Burckhardt to Thesiger: an Anthology by Geoffrey Nash. Copyright © 2011 Geoffrey Nash. Excerpted by permission of Wimbledon Publishing Company.
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