The Unwritten Alliance

The Unwritten Alliance

by Winston S. Churchill
The Unwritten Alliance

The Unwritten Alliance

by Winston S. Churchill

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Overview

The fifth and final volume in this collection of the British prime minister’s oratory contains the final speeches and addresses of his life.
 
Legendary politician and military strategist Winston S. Churchill was a master not only of the battlefield, but of the page and the podium. Over the course of forty books and countless speeches, broadcasts, news items and more, he addressed a country at war and at peace, thrilling with victory but uneasy with its shifting role on the global stage. In 1953, he was awarded the Nobel Prize for Literature for “his mastery of historical and biographical description as well as for brilliant oratory in defending exalted human values.” During his lifetime, he enthralled readers and brought crowds roaring to their feet; in the years since his death, his skilled writing has inspired generations of eager history buffs.
 
In the last years of Sir Winston Churchill’s life, his health was failing—he had suffered several strokes—but his intellect and wit were as sharp as ever. This collection contains some of Churchill’s more obscure works, including addresses at banquets, award ceremonies, and to the Primrose League—where he had given his first political speech many decades before, in 1897. In these speeches we see the continued force of his mental acuity, and of his love for the country he served every day of his adult life.

Product Details

ISBN-13: 9780795329647
Publisher: RosettaBooks
Publication date: 02/12/2019
Series: Winston S. Churchill Post-War Speeches , #5
Sold by: Barnes & Noble
Format: eBook
Pages: 404
Sales rank: 772,846
File size: 2 MB

About the Author

Sir Winston S. Churchill was awarded the Nobel Prize in Literature in 1953 for his mastery of historical and biographical description as well as for brilliant oratory in defending exalted human values.Over a 64-year span, Churchill published over 40 books, many multi-volume definitive accounts of historical events to which he was a witness and participant. All are beautifully written and as accessible and relevant today as when first published.During his fifty-year political career, Churchill served twice as Prime Minister in addition to other prominent positionsincluding President of the Board of Trade, First Lord of the Admiralty, Chancellor of the Exchequer, and Home Secretary. In the 1930s, Churchill was one of the first to recognize the danger of the rising Nazi power in Germany and to campaign for rearmament in Britain. His leadership and inspired broadcasts and speeches during World War II helped strengthen British resistance to Adolf Hitlerand played an important part in the Allies eventual triumph.One of the most inspiring wartime leaders of modern history, Churchill was also an orator, a historian, a journalist, and an artist. All of these aspects of Churchill are fully represented in this collection of his works.

Read an Excerpt

CHAPTER 1

WESTMINSTER ABBEY APPEAL

A SPEECH IN THE JERUSALEM CHAMBER 30 JANUARY 1953

* * *

5 January — Mr Churchill arrives in the United States of America for discussions with Mr Dwight Eisenhower, President-elect.

7 January — French National Assembly elects M. Mayer as Prime Minister.

15 January — President Truman makes a farewell broadcast to the American nation.

16 January — Dissolution of political parties in Egypt and arrests of army officers.

20 January — Mr Dwight Eisenhower is sworn in as President of the United States.

* * *

[30 January 1953

We are met here to-day for a purpose for which we believe that at least a million people throughout the English-speaking world will be happy to give a pound and perhaps repeat the process; and others less wealthy will be proud to join with their friends in giving a pound. That is what we are asking for to-day — a million pounds from a million people. We have one gift already; the Queen is the first subscriber. The purpose is to save from decay and ruin Westminster Abbey, in the famous words of Macaulay: 'That temple of silence and reconciliation where the enmities of twenty generations lie buried.'

Westminster Abbey is not only an active centre of our religious faith, but the shrine of nearly a thousand years of our history. Founded by King Edward the Confessor it presents the pilgrimage of our race, and has been in many ways the focus of our island life. Here all may see the panorama of our various fortunes, from the triumph of a Norman conqueror through the long succession of sovereigns who, in good or evil days, in glory and tragedy, safety and peril, unity and strife, have formed the chain of our ancient monarchy, until now we are looking forward to the moment next June when the Crown of St Edward will be set upon the head of our young and beautiful Queen Elizabeth the Second.

But the Abbey has not only been associated with the Coronation of all our sovereigns. The Chapter House across the way sheltered over a period of many generations the vigorous beginnings of that system of representative and Parliamentary government which has spread far and wide through so many lands. For us in the British Empire and Commonwealth of Nations the Abbey must be considered not only as the embodiment and enshrinement of our long record, but as a living spring of hope, inspiration, and unfailing interest wherever the English language is spoken in any quarter of the globe. To-day we stand where, in the words of Kipling, 'The Abbey makes us one'. I speak in the Jerusalem Chamber, where, as Shakespeare tells us, Henry V tried on the Crown while his dying father slept, and where the Star Chamber achieved its variegated reputation. In the Abbey itself are the tombs and monuments of famous men, from Norman and Plantagenet kings to the Unknown Warrior of the First World War. In Macaulay's words: 'In no other cemetery do so many citizens lie within so narrow a space.'

We in our day have come through many perils but we have been helped and sustained by that sense of continuity which finds no other symbol more commanding than this historic edifice which links the past with the present and gives us confidence in the future. Shall we in this valiant generation allow the building to moulder under our eyes? Both the monuments and the stonework of the centuries are falling into decay. The soot of London must be cleaned away if we are to prevent the stones from crumbling. The structure must be restored. The Choir School, with its long tradition of musical excellence, must be given security and an assured income must be provided for the daily work of maintenance.

Our generation would indeed be held to shame by those who come after us if we failed to preserve this noble inheritance. I ask those whom my words may reach, in Great Britain, in the Commonwealth, and across the oceans, to join me in sending the Dean of Westminster their one pound contributions so that the glorious memories that have come down to us may be preserved as the treasures of generations yet to come. All the pounds should be sent to the Dean of Westminster, whose address, I may mention, is Westminster Abbey, London.

CHAPTER 2

EAST COAST FLOOD DISASTER

A SPEECH TO THE HOUSE OF COMMONS 2 FEBRUARY 1953

* * *

31 January — Czechoslovakia establishes presidium of nine deputy prime ministers with the Prime Minister as chairman.

2 February — The State of the Union address to the U.S. Congress is made by President Eisenhower.

* * *

[2 February 1953

Before I come to our later misfortunes, I think the House would wish me, following my right hon. Friend the Minister of Transport, to convey to the Government and Parliament of Northern Ireland its sorrow at the loss of their Deputy Prime Minister, Major Maynard Sinclair, in the Princess Victoria, and, at the same time, to express its sympathy with the relations of all those, including a much respected Member of this House, who lost their lives in the shocking and tragic disaster at sea.

The House will have learnt of the disaster which fell upon the country on the night of 31 January. Its first wish will be to express our deep sympathy to the relations of all those who have lost their lives; to all who are suffering from the loss of homes and belongings and who are, in one way or another, the victims.

It is not yet possible to give any detailed account of all incidents, which are spread almost from the Humber to the North Foreland, as well as over large areas in Scotland. As one might expect after the experiences of two wars, organizations of all kinds, national and local, military and civil, reacted immediately to the call upon them. A whole series of complicated operations have been carried out and are still proceeding. These divided themselves broadly into arrangements for the rescue and care of people and for the restoration of public services, particularly health services. Under the first, the local authorities, with the help of the regional offices of the Ministries concerned, immediately began to arrange for rest centres, billets, and accommodation of various kinds to be made available. Clothing and blankets are being provided from the most handy sources, and a further statement will be made later about an appeal for gifts. Meanwhile, the Women's Voluntary Services and the Red Cross are actively at work. The food supplies have been maintained in all the areas, in some cases by the use of mobile columns.

In many cases there have been the difficulties of contamination of water, and here both civilian and Service resources of water tanks have been used. Military stores are being drawn upon wherever necessary. Certain emergency plans for restoring healthy sewerage are already working under the guidance of local and central engineers. Eleven Ministers whose Departments were mainly concerned met this morning and further arrangements were made for the constant co-operation of all Departments, local authorities and other organizations.

It is not yet possible to measure the magnitude of the loss either in life or in material, but it is clear that the catastrophe is one which will require to be treated upon a national basis and, broadly, as a national responsibility. [HON MEMBERS: 'Hear, hear.'] The Lord Mayor has informed me that he is opening a distress fund immediately. Her Majesty's Government will contribute to it on a scale to be announced when the magnitude of this disaster has been assessed. Meanwhile, I can assure the House that financial support for personal relief and for emergency repairs will be available.

It is estimated that the constituencies of a good many Members on each side of the House are involved. I hope that arrangements for pairing may be made through the usual channels so that these Members can be in their constituencies during the emergency if they so wish.

I ought not to end my statement without reminding the House that a no less serious stroke has fallen upon the Netherlands and, to a lesser extent, on Belgium, to both of whom we express our keen sympathy as fellow sufferers.

CHAPTER 3

THE AGRICULTURAL INDUSTRY

A SPEECH TO THE NATIONAL FARMERS' UNION AT THE GROSVENOR HOUSE HOTEL, LONDON 17 FEBRUARY 1953

* * *

5 February — The Government's proposals to federate Northern and Southern Rhodesia and Nyasaland are published.

10 February — General Neguib is given supreme powers for three years in Egypt after declaration of a new national constitution.

12 February — Agreement is reached between Great Britain and Egypt on the future of the Sudan.

The U.S.S.R. suspends diplomatic relations with the Republic of Israel.

16 February — The South African Government obtains emergency powers under a Public Safety Bill adopted by the South African Assembly.

* * *

17 February 1953

You were very right in your speech, Sir James Turner, President of the National Farmers' Union, to dwell upon the grievous loss and hardship which fell upon so many when the sea poured over our coast defences on that last night of January. They have our fullest sympathy; their adversity is our opportunity to show the neighbourliness characteristic of our race. At many points farmers have sustained heavy losses. The restoration of the land to productivity demands action guided by the highest scientific and expert advice. I wish also to thank you, Mr President, for the broadminded, confident, and virile spirit in which you have presented the vast and vital problem of British agriculture. This is no party issue. It is a national issue. It is no question of convenience but one of life and death for ourselves and for all that we mean to the freedom of the world.

Fifty million people, maintaining a high degree of civilization and progress, distinguished by inventive ability and craftsmanship, and bearing forward the renown of a glorious past; fifty millions whose institutions and laws have shaped the future of so many lands, whose language plays a leading part in the modern world, all dwelling in a small island growing enough food for only thirty millions. That indeed is a spectacle of majesty and insecurity which history has not often seen before. There are therefore twenty million Britons who depend from day to day for what they eat upon their ability — which has happily never failed us so far — to sell goods and render services across the seas; in return for that we get the rest of our daily bread. Of course we all know we could never have become a great nation or even survived the perils through which we have passed in our own lifetime, if we had limited the sources of our strength to what could be found at home, and had not roamed the globe, armed with our wits and courage.

There is no question of choosing between food production and exports. We must have both at the highest level, driven forward with fierce energy. But we here to-night are resolved to proclaim that the homegrown food of Britain must, with great urgency, be raised by 1956 to sixty per cent above what it was before the war. That is a conviction which all political parties share, and all Britons in their senses are determined to sustain. We have already raised it by over forty per cent. The job must be finished and finished soon. But that is by no means the end. The balance between population and food supply has tilted to an uneconomic, unwholesome, dangerous extreme. The world which towers up around us reveals increasing strain and tension. Population almost everywhere outpaces food supply. The difficulties of placing exports mount. We have got to alter the balance in this island in a marked and outstanding manner.

I am absolutely confident that the farmers can surpass the production target which the Government has set. Many of the necessities of life we have to import from the dollar area. We are endeavouring to expand our engineering industry but we find it increasingly difficult to compete in the world markets with those countries, for instance Japan, which do not enjoy the same standard of living as we do here in Britain, or indeed Germany, who is largely free from the burden of armaments which we have to support. It is just as important for our future now to wring the last ounce of food from our acres year by year, as it was in the dark days of the war. For this great task it is first of all necessary to give to the farming industry a solemn assurance that the crops and livestock which are included in the 1947 Agricultural Act will continue to enjoy assured markets and that the farmers will have a fair return.

The policy of Her Majesty's Government is to make British farming stable. That does not mean that it should be rigid. It must be strong and free for adventure in greater and more efficient production. Our task in the second half of this century is to reconcile stability with freedom, and we propose, in consultation with the leaders of the National Farmers' Union, to do this by steering a mid course between the restrictions and interference of the Forties and the hazards of the loose freedom of the early Thirties. As the Minister of Agriculture and the Chancellor of the Exchequer have repeatedly made plain, we stand by Part 1 of the 1947 Agriculture Act.

Hitherto this policy of guaranteed prices and assured markets has been applied through a stiffly-controlled system, under which the Government has fixed the prices to be received by the producer, the prices to be paid by the consumer, and the way in which each should vary from product to product and from season to season. Her Majesty's Government are convinced that departmental intervention on this scale and to this degree is bound to repress the urge for expansion, and freeze the genial current of risk-taking and imaginative enterprise.

We are moreover convinced that the basic aims of the Agriculture Act can be secured by methods which allow the natural economic forces to work so as to reward enterprise in the producer, and allow the consumer to use his money to express his — or, I must add, her — tastes. Of course the precise methods to be adopted will vary from case to case, and there will be many difficulties and intricate questions to be solved. These questions we intend to work out commodity by commodity in consultation with the leaders of the National Farmers' Union. We must have a live and healthy market, but we must see that it is supported by practical arrangements which ensure fair returns to the producer, and will provide that if a slackening of demand is reflected in the market- changes, enough time is allowed to the farmer to adjust his production without impairing the long-term stability, upon which the fertile production of the soil depends. All that a Government can do is create conditions within which the utmost may be produced from our farms and market gardens. I speak to those who are gathered here to-night. It is your industry and only you can grow the food. For British agriculture, after thirteen years of close controls these are days of opportunity and even of high adventure. We believe that the more freedom the Government can give to the agricultural industry, the greater will be their response. There is no inherent virtue in forms and coupons. If we can do without them and still keep the essential basis of stability provided in the 1947 Agriculture Act, they should be cut down.

We are seeking to liberate the full energies of the people. We can and will bring about a greater measure of freedom for agriculture. In consultation with farmers' representatives, the corn trade, and others, we are now working out the best ways and means. But no one should lean too much on the Government — this or any other. There have of late been murmurings from some quarters expressing a certain fear of freedom. I am confident that this does not represent the feelings of the main body of our farmers — among whom are many of the best farmers in the world — who are by nature and by their calling individualists, and proud of it. The more you produce the happier British society will be. Your gain will be the nation's gain. We shall aid you in your task.

We realize that since 1939 there has been a Farming Revolution no less sudden and no less far-reaching than the Industrial Revolution of the last century. The agricultural industry has shifted from horses to tractors. That is indeed a milestone in our pilgrimage. New implements have had to be bought by the hundred thousand. The use of fertilizers has more than doubled, and all kinds of machinery, which give farmers a new mastery of nature, have become the tackle of daily use. Naturally this has meant an enormous increase in working capital. You, Mr Chairman, referred to the need for and to the lack of capital.

These are stern times. When the present Government took office our national financial position was such that the Chancellor of the Exchequer found it necessary to place severe restrictions on the supply of credit. You will, I am sure, remember that at the time when he did so he expressly asked the banks to give special facilities wherever possible to the agricultural industry. This has in fact been done, and we intend that it shall continue. That this and other difficulties are being surmounted is shown by the encouraging increases in agricultural production during the past twelve months.

(Continues…)


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Table of Contents

Introduction,
WESTMINSTER ABBEY APPEAL,
A Speech in the Jerusalem Chamber, 30 January 1953,
EAST COAST FLOOD DISASTER,
A Speech to the House of Commons, 2 February 1953,
THE AGRICULTURAL INDUSTRY,
A Speech to the National Farmers' Union at the Grosvenor House Hotel, London, 17 February 1953,
NORTH SEA FLOOD DISASTER,
A Speech to the House of Commons, 19 February 1953,
DEFENCE,
A Speech to the House of Commons, 5 March 1953,
THE DEATH OF QUEEN MARY,
An Address of Sympathy from the House of Commons, 25 March 1953,
A Tribute broadcast by the British Broadcasting Corporation, 25 March 1953,
COMMONWEALTH PARLIAMENTARY ASSOCIATION LUNCHEON,
A Speech before Her Majesty the Queen at St Stephen's Hall, Westminster, 27 March 1953,
SCOTTISH UNIONIST ASSOCIATION ANNUAL MEETING,
A Speech at Green's Playhouse, Glasgow, 17 April 1953,
ST GEORGE'S DAY DINNER,
A Speech to the Honourable Artillery Company, 23 April 1953,
ART,
A Speech at the Royal Academy Banquet, 30 April 1953,
FOREIGN AFFAIRS,
A Speech to the House of Commons, 11 May 1953,
THE CORONATION OF QUEEN ELIZABETH II,
An Introduction to a Royal Broadcast, 2 June 1953,
THE CONSERVATIVE PARTY CONFERENCE,
A Speech at Margate, 10 October 1953,
DEBATE ON THE ADDRESS,
A Speech to the House of Commons, 3 November 1953,
FOREIGN AFFAIRS,
A Speech at the Lord Mayor's Guildhall Banquet, 9 November 1953,
NATIONAL SERVICE,
A Speech to the House of Commons, 16 November 1953,
MR CLEMENT ATTLEE,
A Speech after Presentation of the Freedom of the City of London to Mr Attlee, 20 November 1953,
FOREIGN AFFAIRS,
A Speech to the House of Commons, 17 December 1953,
ADOPTION OF A NEW ARMY RIFLE,
A Speech to the House of Commons, 1 February 1954,
THE BERLIN CONFERENCE,
A Speech to the House of Commons, 25 February 1954,
DEFENCE (GERMAN REARMAMENT),
A Speech to the House of Commons, 2 March 1954,
THE HYDROGEN BOMB,
A Speech to the House of Commons, 5 April 1954,
DOCTORATE OF NEW YORK UNIVERSITY,
A Speech at No. 10 Downing Street, on accepting, in absentia, a Doctorate of Law of the,
University of New York, 7 April 1954,
THE ROYAL ACADEMY BANQUET,
A Speech at the Royal Academy, 28 April 1954,
GRAND HABITATION OF THE PRIMROSE LEAGUE,
A Speech at the Royal Albert Hall, London, 30 April 1954,
WELCOMING THE QUEEN'S RETURN FROM A COMMONWEALTH TOUR,
A Speech to the House of Commons, 17 May 1954,
THE CONSERVATIVES' TASKS,
A Speech in the Royal Albert Hall, London, to a Mass Meeting of Conservative Women, 27 May 1954,
ANGLO-AMERICAN FRIENDSHIP,
A Speech at a Dinner of the English-Speaking Union in honour of General Gruenther, 8 June 1954,
THE DEATH OF MR ARTHUR GREENWOOD,
A Speech to the House of Commons, 15 June 1954,
A VISIT TO THE UNITED STATES AND CANADA,
A Speech to the House of Commons, 12 July 1954,
REVIEW OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS,
A Speech to the House of Commons, 14 July 1954,
PRESENTATION OF THE ESHER TROPHY,
A Speech to 615 Squadron at Biggin Hill Aerodrome, 5 September 1954,
THE CONSERVATIVE PARTY CONFERENCE,
A Speech at Blackpool, 9 October 1954,
THE LORD MAYOR'S BANQUET,
A Speech at the Guildhall, 9 November 1954,
PRESENTATION TO LADY CHURCHILL OF A PORTRAIT,
A Speech at Woodford, 23 November 1954,
BRISTOL UNIVERSITY DEGREE CONFERMENT,
A Speech at the Close of Conferment, 26 November 1954,
EIGHTIETH BIRTHDAY PRESENTATION,
A Speech at Westminster Hall during a Presentation from both Houses of Parliament to mark Sir,
Winston Churchill's Eightieth Birthday, 30 November 1954,
DEBATE ON THE ADDRESS (GERMAN REARMAMENT),
A Speech to the House of Commons, 1 December 1954,
THE BUILDING INDUSTRY,
A Speech at the Dorchester Hotel, 25 January 1955,
DEFENCE,
A Speech to the House of Commons, 1 March 1955,
WORLD DISARMAMENT,
A Speech to the House of Commons, 14 March 1955,
EARL LLOYD GEORGE MEMORIAL,
A Speech to the House of Commons, 28 March 1955,
ELECTION ADDRESS,
A Speech at Woodford, 16 May 1955,
ELECTION ADDRESS,
A Speech at Bedford, 17 May 1955,
ELECTION ADDRESS,
A Speech at Walthamstow and Chigwell, 19 May 1955,
THE GUILDHALL STATUE,
A Speech at the Unveiling of a Statue, 21 June 1955,
THE BRITISH ASSOCIATION,
A Message to the British Association Meeting at Bristol, 6 September 1955,
THE CINQUE PORTS,
A Speech in Hastings on Presentation of a Portrait, 7 September 1955,
THE FREEDOM HOUSE AWARD,
A Speech recorded for the Freedom House Dinner in New York, 9 October 1955,
CONSTITUENCY SPEECH,
A Speech at the Monkhams Ward Dinner and Dance, 18 November 1955,
YOUNG CONSERVATIVES,
A Speech to Woodford Young Conservatives, 5 December 1955,
THE WILLIAMSBURG AWARD,
A Speech in Drapers' Hall, London, 7 December 1955,
THE FREEDOM OF BELFAST AND LONDONDERRY,
A Speech at the Mansion House, 16 December 1955,
THE PRIMROSE LEAGUE,
A Speech at the Albert Hall, 13 April 1956,
LORD CAMROSE MEMORIAL,
An Unveiling Speech at St Paul's, 3 May 1956,
THE CHARLEMAGNE PRIZE,
A Speech at Aachen on receiving the prize, 10 May 1956,
THE PRIMROSE LEAGUE,
A Speech at the Albert Hall, 3 May 1957,
DAY AT A CONSTITUENCY FETE,
A Speech at Royal Wanstead School, 6 July 1957,
A MESSAGE TO EUROPE,
A Speech at the United Europe Meeting, Central Hall, Westminster, 9 July 1957,
LIBERTY AND THE LAW,
A Speech at the Guildhall Dinner of the Law Society to the American Bar Association, 31 July 1957,
MESSAGE TO GENEVA,
A Greeting to the Inter-Parliamentary Union Conference at Geneva, September 1957,
INVESTITURE IN PARIS,
A Speech on receiving the Croix de la Libération from General de Gaulle, 6 November 1958,
A CONSTITUENCY EVENT,
A Speech to Woodford Conservative Association at the Kensington Palace Hotel, 6 January 1959,
REVIEW AT WOODFORD,
A Constituency Speech at Hawkey Hall, Woodford, 20 March 1959,
DINNER IN AMERICA,
Remarks in response to a Toast at a Dinner in the White House, Washington, 6 May 1959,
ADOPTION MEETING,
A Speech at Hawkey Hall, Woodford, 29 September 1959,
A GENERAL ELECTION SPEECH,
A Speech at Hawkey Hall, Woodford, 29 September 1959,
CHURCHILL COLLEGE CEREMONY,
A Speech at a Tree-Planting at Churchill College, Cambridge, 17 October 1959,
THE WOODFORD STATUE,
A Speech at the Unveiling of a Statue at Woodford, 31 October 1959,
Endnotes,

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