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CHAPTER 1
Introduction
My Personal Journey
From 2008 to 2009, I participated in the (Chinese) Hanban-(American) College Board Chinese Teacher programme. I had been assigned to a high school in a Midwestern state, teaching Chinese to IB&AP (International Baccalaureate and Advanced Placement) standard, known from 2010 as 'Confucius classroom'. This year abroad was an important milestone in my personal and career path. Away from the comfort zone of mother tongue and social circumstances, encountering culture shock and various adversities, I felt hesitant and puzzled. As D.H. Lawrence describes, I was taken 'out of the glass bottle of [my] ego and ... escape[d] like the squirrels in the cage of personality and into the forest'; I also 'shiver[ed] with cold and fright', but was not overwhelmed; I caught a glimpse of the unknown part of myself and let the 'unlying life rush in' (Lawrence, 1928, cited in Jones, 2007).
In 2010, I went to the UK to further my study, by conducting the research into Chinese teachers abroad that is the subject of the present volume. Once again living as a foreigner in an Anglophone country, daily life immersed me in the relationships between language and power, and the inevitable invisible, but nevertheless real, attendant tensions. In the meantime, I was intuitively aware of the changes to self-concept that were affecting my peers and me, as a function of the efforts we were making to adjust to British academia and society. Having been an international student in the UK and a Chinese teacher in the USA, I gained a renewed sense of compassion and empathy for L2 sojourners and this gave rise to a number of questions. How could my personal experiences and study help other sojourners in similar circumstances? Could my research findings be generalised to other sojourners working abroad? In short, this study of international professionals germinated as a journey of self-discovery to satisfy my curiosity.
The opportunity to teach Chinese was made possible by the burgeoning Confucius Institute (CI) programme, details of which can be found in Chapter 2. To date, the nascent research on CIs has mainly focused on foreign policy (Hartig, 2012a, 2015; Hoare-Vance, 2009; Paradise, 2009), dissemination strategy (Flew & Hartig, 2014; Smith et al., 2009; [TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII.] & [TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII.], 2015), programme management (Stambach, 2014; Xu, 2008; [TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII.] & [TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII.], 2008) and teaching practice (Wang, 2015; [TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII.] et al., 2010), but rarely have researchers paid attention to Confucius Institute Chinese teachers (or CICTs) as the embodiment of academic mobility. The existing literature (reviewed in Chapter 2) makes visible the challenging scenery of teaching abroad and the contextualised and conflicting nature of L2 identity. However, the individual experiences of government assigned professionals, particularly cohorts moving from developing to developed countries, remain largely unexplored.
The main purpose of this study, then, is to explore CICTs' experiences of work and life in the UK, to examine the drive behind their acculturation, the factors that influence it, and the forms it takes from arrival until repatriation, with the ultimate aim of improving the outcomes of the CI programme.
It may be helpful at this point to underline important differences between CICTs and other groups of international professional sojourners. The personal dispositions considered in the present study, such as age, language competence, history, social status, motives, time spent abroad and expectations, are dealt with in greater depth than in previous research on sojourners, which has focused either on immigrants who expect to become fully fledged members of society, or short-term sojourners, who may experience only 'temporary liminality' (Jackson, 2008a). The acculturation and self-concept of CICTs – who can generally be deemed medium-stay sojourners – may well be different, in much the same way that the expectations of the host culture are different. They are 'cultural ambassadors' (Wang, 2014) according to some of the media but the 'red invasion' according to others. They are 'experts' in the classroom but 'novices' outside. Being positioned in relation to disparate roles, how does the overseas work experience influence CICTs' self-conception and personal growth? Do the CICTs' identity trajectories differ from those of other sojourners? What individual differences will shed light on the frequency and complexity of interaction that occurs in everyday life?
Hence this study endeavoured to answer the following questions:
• What promotes and constrains CICTs' acculturation in the UK?
• How does overseas work experience influence CICTs' identity and agency?
• What is the impact of this overseas experience on intercultural development and personal growth?
• How can this knowledge be used for the benefit of the CI programme?
The first question aimed to elicit the social processes relevant to the CICTs' particular sojourning contexts; the second and third questions probed the social-psychological process of self-conception (Charmaz, 2006: 20). The last question attempted to bridge theory and practice, by providing suggestions for organisers of future international exchange programmes, while shedding light on intercultural communication competence in classroom teaching.
Methodology
The theoretical framework for this study is the Bourdieuian concepts of: habitus, field and capital (Bourdieu, 1977, 1984, 2011). A number of theories, particularly those in relation to acculturation, identity and agency, and intercultural competence, have also influenced the structure and interpretation of my study (see Chapter 3).
For present purposes, I define 'identity' as the triad of 'who others think I am', 'who I am' and 'who I want to be'. I view identity change as a cumulative process, as opposed to a sudden change, in which individuals can challenge their projected positioning through the use of discourse (Weedon, 1996); they have 'agency' – the ability to negotiate and mediate to achieve their desired goals.
The study reported in this book takes the form of a critical ethnographic case study. As such, it is not a typical descriptive ethnography, in which the 'invisible' researcher simply depicts what has been found. Instead, it is located in an emancipatory approach in which my role as a researcher is highlighted; my biases, value-laden interpretation and reflection are recognised; and my responsibility for using the findings for change is fundamental (Madison, 2011; Thomas, 1993). While the CICTs cannot reasonably be considered 'oppressed', unlike the participants in many critical ethnographies, they are undeniably 'disprivileged' in the context of their sojourn as teachers in the UK. I therefore aim to combine the empirical investigation of their sojourning with my personal reflection on their attitudes and behaviours, with the aim of exploring the implications for future border crossers and international programme organisers.
Earlier studies of sojourning view identity as a fluid, shifting, relative and negotiable phenomenon which emerges from social interaction; however, most do not deal explicitly with long-term work abroad. In contrast, I view identity expansion as a cumulative process; hence a longitudinal case study is required to maximise the opportunity for identity change.
In view of the fact that CICTs do not arrive and depart as a single cohort and, significantly, because their length of stay varies, a so-called 'trace down' (Jackson, 2008b; Pham & Saltmarsh, 2013) study, in which investigations extend through the whole sojourn journey, was not feasible. Therefore, a longitudinal case study including retrospective accounts was employed. Dörnyei (2007) drew attention to the risk of inaccuracy in retrospective narratives. However, this risk is not likely to hinder the validity of my research because the retrospective narratives focus on a relatively short period of time before the data collection point.
While much previous work has focused on the sojourn period, the present study collected data at three stages: arrival, so as to explore the pre-sojourn expectations which could influence identity (Grotevant, 1987; Ting-Toomey & Chung, 2007); during the sojourn itself; and at the repatriation stage, which defines and accentuates identity expansion (Jackson, 2008b).
As noted by previous researchers, the willingness of participants to share information is the key issue in ethnographic research. My research employed opportunistic sampling, facilitated initially by the education section of the Chinese Embassy in London, and mainly depended on participants' voluntary involvement. In order to recruit sufficient numbers of participants, I decided to include both 'stayers' (whose term of service started before September 2013) and newcomers. Previous researchers have found that cross-cultural adjustment follows a U-shaped curve; the most difficult time of adjustment usually occurs during the fourth to the sixth month of residence abroad, rather than before or after (Lysgaand, 1955; Ward et al., 1998). Most of the participants I recruited started their service after November 2012 (see Appendix A and B for further details of participants and research procedures), so participants' retrospective accounts were included to understand the adversities they had gone through and the adjustments they had made.
Structure of the Book
This study is organised in eight chapters. The present chapter has set out my reasons for undertaking this research and the process which allowed me to formulate my research questions and the methodology employed.
Chapter 2 provides historical and contemporary perspectives on the CI programme and Chinese teaching in the UK, including the changing contexts and the shift from the Western takeover of the East to the rejuvenation of Chinese studies and, more recently, the spread of Eastern culture to the West.
Chapter 3 sets out the theoretical and conceptual underpinnings of the study and reviews the literature on residence abroad. Bourdieu's conceptualisation of habitus, capital and field (Bourdieu, 1986, 1989; Bourdieu & Thompson, 1991), Byram's notion of 'intercultural mediator' (Alred & Byram, 2002) and Kramsch's (2006, 2011) 'symbolic competence' are discussed in terms of their profound implications for an understanding of L2 identity negotiation and acculturation.
Chapters 4–7 report the findings of the study. Chapter 4 offers a platform for the voices of four CI directors and eight CICTs. Their backgrounds are summarised and their motivations for and expectations of teaching abroad are probed. Differences in language, culture, habitus and teaching practices are discussed, as are participants' adjustment, socialising and personal changes.
Chapters 5–7 respectively elaborate on the sojourning trajectories of three case study participants, Su, Qiao and Shan. Since this study explores CICTs' own perceptions, the three case studies highlight participants' unique experiences. Chapter 5 tells the story of Su, her efforts to adjust to the foreign environment, her identity shifts, resistance and reflection on daily encounters. Chapter 6 depicts Qiao, who made significant progress down the road to global mindedness through his participation in the host communities and his travel adventures. Chapter 7 reveals how a highly skilled academic, Shan, struggles to gain legitimacy in the local community.
Chapters 4–7 serve as the foundation of the cross-case discussion in Chapter 8, which summarises the findings in such a way as to answer the four research questions set out above and concludes with thoughts on improving the CI programme, and international academic mobility.
CHAPTER 2
Confucius Institutes and the Teaching of Chinese
In this chapter, I introduce the CI programme and the domestic background for this study. I begin with an overview of the development, management and operation of the CI programme, followed by a brief overview of Chinese teaching in the UK, the setting for the present study, including the current situation, the challenges and the differences between Chinese and English education. Finally, I contextualise my study by discussing important factors in the recruitment of teachers – the status of English in China, the associated identity dilemma and the reassertion of traditional Chinese values.
Confucius Institutes
Academic mobility, which refers to students and staff for learning and teaching in another country, is not a new phenomenon. Globalisation has brought unprecedented political, economic and cultural change (Hirst et al., 2015), raising challenges for education, culture and identity (Heller, 2003; Kennedy & Danks, 2001; Suárez-Orozco & Qin-Hilliard, 2004). In diplomacy, globalisation has also brought to light the importance of education as a bridge for promoting communication, peace, global security and sustainable solutions to complex human problems. The Confucius Institute is one example of such a bridge.
The development of Confucius Institutes
As the fastest-growing economy in the world, China has finally moved from the periphery of world politics to the centre, attracting global interest in its culture and language (Zhao & Huang, 2010). Since the Jiang Zemin era of the1990s, China's leaders have sought to resurrect Confucianism as a powerful ideological tool, a means of promoting domestic peace and order as well as external harmony, securing sustainable national development and reducing international concerns about the 'China threat' (Cho & Jeong, 2008; Lo & Pan, 2016; Roy, 1996).
The 'peaceful rise' theory was first proposed in 2003 by Zheng Bijian, a party theorist, to advocate the promotion of Chinese culture overseas as a means of overcoming hostility towards communism and Chinese people (Lo & Pan, 2016; [TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII.], 2004). The theory, later known as 'peaceful development', harnessed the notion of soft power to further soften the national profile (Jia, 2005) and to establish a favourable environment for China's sustainable development (Hoare-Vance, 2009).
Inspired by European counties' cultural diplomacy, the Confucius Institute (CI) project was launched in 2004 by Hanban, a non-profit agency affiliated to the Education Ministry of the People's Republic of China, for the purpose of 'developing Chinese language and culture teaching resources and making its services available worldwide, meeting the demands of overseas Chinese learners, and contributing to global cultural diversity and harmony' (Hanban, 2013; Ministry of Education, 2012).
Confucius Institutes (CIs) are named after Confucius (551–479 BC), the ancient Chinese educator and philosopher, thus indicating the historical roots and the continuity as well as the legitimacy of traditional Chinese culture (Zhu & Li, 2014). The first CI was established in Seoul in 2004 with the mission to enhance sociocultural understanding, globalise Chinese culture and promote collaboration with foreign countries (Hanban, 2013). In the same year, the General Secretary of the Communist Party of China, Hu Jintao, launched the '11th Five-Year Plan (2006–2011) for the Chinese language to go abroad' (Bellabona & Spigarelli, 2007; China Daily, 2006). CIs, then, 'got off to a roaring start' (Economist, 2006).
Between 2004 and 2015, China set up 500 CIs (mostly in tertiary institutions) and 1000 Confucius classrooms (CCs, local hubs in primary and secondary schools), and recruited 44,000 teachers in 134 countries and regions (People's Daily, 2015). Numbers are set to increase to 1000 CIs by 2020, with branches in nearly 500 large cities across the world (Xinhua News, 2013).
Seen as instruments of 'soft power'2 (Cho & Jeong, 2008; Gil, 2009; Hubbert, 2014), a 'Trojan horse with Chinese characteristics' (Mosher, 2012; see also McDowell, 2010; Paradise, 2009), a tool for red 'propaganda' (Dotson, 2011), Chinese cultural diplomacy (Barr, 2014; Hartig, 2012b; Wheeler, 2014) or 'eduplomacy' (Stambach, 2014), this large investment on the part of Hanban upset some Western countries. The burgeoning CIs have indeed been the subject of much controversy.
Some critics see this as an ideological attempt to extend Chinese political control in the Western world; others view CIs as an attempt to establish a benign international image and to alleviate concerns about a 'China threat' in the context of the country's increasing economic and military power (Starr, 2009). Scholars actually involved in the CI programme tend to have more practical concerns about its academic viability (Schmidt, 2010).
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Excerpted from "Taking Chinese to the World"
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Copyright © 2017 Wei Ye.
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