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CHAPTER 1
Sport in New Zealand before 1840
Sporting traditions in New Zealand began with the first settlers arriving from Polynesia. Although far removed from understandings of modern sports, with their clearly defined rules, durations and national and international administration, there existed a pre-European Maori sporting world. Having crossed the Pacific from Eastern Polynesia, Maori developed games and physical activities with diverse and significant purposes, linked to their land, identity and cosmology.
The first Europeans — most of them British — who settled in New Zealand brought a different sporting experience, but again one far removed from modern concepts. British sport prior to the late eighteenth century was generally organised along community lines, with significant local variations in rules and settings. Games were connected to local rather than national identities and were invariably governed by the seasons, work patterns and the religious calendar.
The slow transition from these so-called traditional to modern sports coincided with the period when European exploration, and subsequent colonisation, extended to Australia and New Zealand. Indeed, many of the factors that contributed to the 'leisure revolution' and sporting change — the transformation of the rural economy, industrialisation, urbanisation, the expansion of the middle class and its quest for respectability — were the same factors that triggered mass migration from Britain. Those who migrated to New Zealand and other British colonies after 1840 were far more likely to bring with them a taste for organised sport than those who had gone to North America a century earlier. Eighteenth-century colonists came from a less developed sporting culture, and a determined Puritan opposition to sports retarded their growth in the American colonies and ensured a quite separate tradition when organised sport did eventually flourish in the United States. New Zealand was an altogether more receptive environment.
This chapter sets the scene of the Maori sporting world before European settlement. It examines how this world was progressively undermined and effectively replaced during the nineteenth century, and the early European sporting ideas transplanted to the new colony.
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Our knowledge of the evolution of Maori games is limited. Maori was an oral rather than a written culture, so there are no surviving original sources with information about games. Oral traditions, passed down by whakapapa and recorded by Europeans in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries, are a useful source of information, but are imprecise with regard to how games developed over time. While some of these accounts include a considerable amount of detail they need to be approached carefully. As Brendan Hokowhitu argues, they were filtered through ingrained perceptions of the inherent superiority of European civilisation, contrasted with supposedly 'primitive' Maori society. It is also suggested that Elsdon Best and other ethnographers omitted to record games they could not understand or that had a sexual component. One such example, noted by Harko Brown, is rito ure, 'which involved the skilful looping of an erect penis or stiffened finger with string, to candid musical accompaniment'.
Current thinking suggests that permanent human settlement in New Zealand dates from the late thirteenth century. The first settlers, possibly several hundred in number, came from Eastern Polynesia and established communities on the Coromandel Peninsula and in Northland. From these origins, the Maori population is estimated to have reached 100,000 by 1769. Through the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries Maori adapted to a cooling of the climate; as Pacific voyaging ended they became more distinct from other Polynesians and the population became less nomadic. Specialised agricultural techniques were developed in different parts of New Zealand and a tribal lifestyle evolved as resource scarcity produced a more defensive society. By the sixteenth century most Maori lived in tribal entities, initially with whanau (extended family) as the main unit; gradually, as the population increased, the hapu (a grouping of extended families, often including 200 — 300 people) emerged as the main unit of society. Although sometimes referred to as sub-tribes, these are perhaps more accurately characterised as tribes in their own right.
As communities became more settled, tribes developed connections to particular areas, and many constructed fortified pa to retain control over their rohe (domains). Land was owned collectively and every part of the natural world had significance attached to it, some aspects being subject to tapu (sacred law) and others being noa (part of everyday life). The extent to which peaceful relations existed depended on the availability of resources and perceived obligations under tikanga (the customary laws governing interaction among Maori). An important regulator here was utu (reciprocity), under which acts of generosity were rewarded, and perceived wrongs, such as infringements of tribal rohe, were avenged. Stories of ancestors and their relationships to local landmarks and the cosmological world were passed down through the generations, being expressed through whakapapa (ancestry) and mana whenua (claims of a primary interest in particular geographical areas). 'Whakapapa' is often literally translated as genealogy, but it had a much wider significance, encompassing not only people's ancestry but also their relationships with the spiritual and natural world, and referring not just to people's origins but also why they belonged and their claim to the land. Te Maire Tau refers to it as 'a metaphysical framework constructed to place oneself within the world'. Each tribe had its own distinct kawa (protocols). People identified themselves as belonging to a particular tribe, rather than as Maori — a term literally meaning 'ordinary' and which assumed significance as a defining point only after the arrival of Europeans. Indeed, some object to the term 'Maori history' on the basis that it presupposes a generic uniformity of culture and experiences among all tribes. Defenders of the term point to the existence of similar creation stories and broadly similar concepts of land tenure.
By developing physical skills and being part of the process by which people were educated about their history and culture, games and activities were one means of teaching the necessary skills to maintain tino rangatiratanga (control over a tribe's domain and culture). Time was set aside for elders to pass on stories of their ancestry and spiritual beliefs, and physical activities were integrated into developing an understanding of whakapapa, tikanga, problem-solving skills, physical health and the cosmological world. Their form was also influenced by practical priorities, training for warfare and developing life-skills. This makes direct comparison with European sport difficult because the notion of sport as a discrete activity is a Eurocentric one. In Maori communities there was no direct equivalent of the word 'sport' as such because physical activities and games were closely integrated with everyday life. Robin McConnell suggests that the closest equivalent was takaro ringaringa, meaning game or play. Elsdon Best, New Zealand's first professional ethnographer, worked hard to record Maori history and culture. His Games and Pastimes of the Maori identified three broad categories: kaipara, which referred to athletic activities; para whakawai and whakahoro rakau, activities with a martial aspect; and ahuareka and ngahau, which referred to recreational games.
Games developed in a distinct tribal context shaped by the particular experiences of each group. Some forms of activity, such as haka (ceremonial performances involving actions and words), were pan-tribal in nature although their specific forms differed. Tribal groupings remain significant to this day with many Maori teams and tournaments, such as those run by Maori Touch New Zealand, being organised along tribal lines.
Communities had indoor and outdoor spaces in which games were played. Although houses were not specifically built for games, many took place indoors. The names of these places varied between tribes. In his writing on Ngai Tuhoe, Best refers to the whare tapere, while Brown notes that in Northland the term 'whare rehia' is used and in Taranaki it is 'whare pakimairo'. What is certain is that Maori played a considerable number of games. Best records at least 100 activities, although he is by no means a perfect source. His accounts were interspersed with critical judgements of what he termed 'uncultured' and 'barbaric' peoples. Nevertheless, if his editorial excoriations are overlooked, his accounts of the form of Maori activities and the accompanying language are generally regarded as accurate, albeit focused on Tuhoe, so not reflecting the diversity of games among different tribes.
Brendan Hokowhitu's analysis of teka, a form of darts, is a useful example of the interconnectedness of the physical, genealogical and metaphysical realms in Maori society. Teka were made out of reeds. The game was played in a dedicated levelled area with a pile of earth at one end, variously referred to as the marae teka, marae toro teka or papa pere. The object of the game was to cast the teka underhand in such a way that upon contact with the earthen mound it would veer upwards and continue its flight. The winner of the game was the competitor who could make their dart fly the greatest distance. At one level teka was a physical activity, but Hokowhitu observes that in its wider context it was a means of educating participants in whakapapa and other elements of tikanga. The origins of the game were linked to the demigod Maui, who on one occasion cast teka at the piled-up bodies of his brothers, these being used in place of a mound of earth, with the resulting indentations being cited as the cause of the hollows in the human backbone. Another narrative of the game concerns Whare-matangi's search for his father. In this story, his prowess at teka enabled him to find his father, Ngarue, who had earlier left home after falling from favour with his wife's family. Whare-matangi learned his only means of finding his father was to cast a teka in the direction of Mount Taranaki while reciting key verses. Encouraged by his mother, he became a skilled exponent of teka. To commence his search for his father, Wharematangi cast his special teka named Tiritiri-o-Matangi so that it flew upwards off his mother's back, being told, 'Tama-whinetia to teka, kia mahaki ai te rere; perea ma runga i toku tuara' (By aid of the female element alone can you succeed). He duly succeeded in reuniting with his father by following the path of the teka.
Many physical activities were related to combat, both actual and ritual. Para whakawai (the school of arms) encompassed activities such as tauma hekeheke (spear-throwing), karo (the skill of evading and parrying weapons) and whatoto (wrestling). Takaro omaoma (running) developed skills for combat and gathering food. Shorter distance events included whiti-tekau (a 70-pace sprint) and hokowhitu, a 140-pace race in which contestants ran 70 paces in one direction before rounding a pou (pillar) and returning to the starting place. Longer-distance events could exceed 100 kilometres and there are many tribal legends celebrating remarkable feats of athleticism.
Both males and females played a variety of ball games. Poi (round balls attached to string) have today become associated with women and are often seen in pawhiri (welcoming ceremonies). They were also, however, used in other contexts. Performances involving poi were part of many meetings between tribes. A skilfully rendered performance with poi was regarded as a positive omen but poor delivery indicated future ill-fortune. Men also played ball games, with many villages having circular clearings on which games were played. The modern game of ki-o-rahi is derived from these activities. Although the form and name varied between tribes, the game was commonly played on a circular field with a pou in the centre, the object being for the attacking team to get the ball into the central zone or, in some variations, to successfully propel the ball at the pou by throwing or kicking.
If para whakawai was a means of training individuals for combat, haka were a means of expressing a collective tribal identity. They served a variety of purposes. According to the occasion they could be used to welcome guests, celebrate victories or belittle challengers. The act of engaging in a haka also affirmed the standing of the community, as the words and actions related the whakapapa of the tribe and their connections with their land, as well as commenting on the manuhiri (visitors). Best cites an example of the political dimension of a haka when the Urewera Land Commission came into Tuhoe territory during the late nineteenth century. The haka noted the disputed claims to the land among three tribes and the power in the hands of the commissioners, people who represented a system under which much land had been taken from Maori ownership. Today one of the most popular forms of haka is kapa haka, which originated in the Maori concert parties of the nineteenth century. In the 1920s and 1930s Maori leaders such as Te Puea Herangi and Apirana Ngata encouraged performances combining Maori verses and actions with European melodies. Following the Second World War, kapa haka became more organised, a number of groups being founded to cater for the growing number of Maori moving to the cities. The first national kapa haka competition was held in 1972 and it has subsequently become an important event for Maori.
Many activities combined actions and words. Participants in moari (giant strides) chanted as they swung on flax ropes attached to the top of a pole. The game of ti rakau, where sticks were transferred between people facing each other, was accompanied by chanting, key phrases being the cue for the transfer of sticks. People took part in these activities from a young age. Among the recorded children's games is ti pataka (top spinning). Humming tops, which were often made of matai wood, made a wailing sound and, in conjunction with singing, were spun upon the return of a defeated party to lament the dead. A top that spun for a long time was deemed to 'possess a long breath', meaning it evoked the mauri (life force) of human existence. In this way ta potaka simultaneously entertained children and taught them about death. Board games such as mu torere, which incorporated star patterns, taught both mental skills and cosmology.
Individual activities, such as manu tukutuku (kite flying), had similar objectives. Brown notes that the practice of making and flying kites linked Maori to their environment. Kites incorporated a variety of materials, with raupo (bulrush), aute (paper mulberry shrub) and feathers often being used to construct the kite itself, the guiding rope being made from flax. Making a kite involved careful selection of materials accompanied by waiata (songs) and karakia (incantations or prayers). Brown identifies at least nine different forms of kite, the largest of which, manu tangata, had a wingspan of between 10 and 20 metres. Kites were flown by both adults and children. For children, it was a means of learning about tribal lore and the natural world. For adults, kite flying could be both recreational and practical. Kites closely associated with warfare were made by tohunga (experts or priests), and restrictions upon eating food prevailed during their manufacture. Kites could also play an active role in combat, the manu tuki-teketeke (horned kite) being able to dislodge defenders from palisades. Best records that the launch of a kite and its subsequent flight path was an omen for the battle. An erratic flight presaged defeat, while a successful launch, during which special chants were recited, indicated favourable prospects for battle, particularly if the enemy took hold of the trailing cord, which was imbued with special powers.
Many Maori settlements were established close to the sea and rivers, and accordingly many activities were connected with water. From an early age, Maori children were encouraged to be comfortable in the water, developing skills which would be useful in everyday life and for survival. Swimming and surf-riding, both with and without boards, were popular activities. Jumping into water from a platform was another. Waka hoehoe (canoe racing) was a prevalent activity which was also linked to training for combat. Waka were particularly significant as denoting specific points through which Maori traced their ancestry. Although the account of a single 'Great Fleet' arriving in Aotearoa in 1350 has been disproved, Ranginui Walker argues that the stories associated with the canoes remain significant to this day as 'validating charters for tribal identity and ownership of land'. The significance of the canoes lies in the way in which they demonstrated heroic action, planned settlement of New Zealand and collective achievement by Maori against human, elemental and supernatural opposition.
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Excerpted from "Sport and the New Zealanders"
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Copyright © 2018 Greg Ryan and Geoff Watson.
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