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Overview
Departing from traditional readings of Philippians in light of Acts, Reumann allows Paul to speak in his own right. His three letters from Ephesus shed new light on relationships, and we come to see how he approves some aspects of the dominant “culture of friendship” in Greco-Roman Philippi while disapproving others. He seeks to help the Philippians discern how to be citizens of the heavenly kingdom and also Caesar’s state, though there is an undercurrent of “Christ vs. Caesar.” Scholars, students, and general readers alike will find much of interest in John Reumann’s deeply researched and insightful new volume.
Product Details
| ISBN-13: | 9780300140453 |
|---|---|
| Publisher: | Yale University Press |
| Publication date: | 12/02/2008 |
| Series: | Anchor Yale Bible Commentary Series |
| Edition description: | New Edition |
| Pages: | 808 |
| Product dimensions: | 6.60(w) x 9.30(h) x 2.10(d) |
About the Author
Read an Excerpt
PHILIPPIANS
A New Translation with Introduction and CommentaryBy JOHN REUMANN
YALE UNIVERSITY PRESS
Copyright © 2008 Yale UniversityAll right reserved.
ISBN: 978-0-300-14045-3
Chapter One
Letter Opening, 1:1-11* * *
1. Prescript (Address, Salutation), 1:1-2
Translation
1:1 Paul and Timothy, slaves of Christ Jesus, to all the saints in Christ Jesus who are in Philippi, together with overseers and agents;
2 grace to you and peace from God our Father and Lord Jesus Christ.
Notes
1:1. Paul. First word in all 13 Pauline letters, + apostolos in 8 of them (chart in WDNTECLR 373). Paulos (Lat. Paul[l]us) in inscriptions, papyri, literary sources; Sergius Paulus, Acts 13:7. Romans generally used three names, praenomen, nomen, and cognomen, e.g., Lucius Aemilius Paullus. "Paul[l]us" was a wellknown Lat. cognomen (BDAG 787; Balz, EDNT 3:59). Some see a "hypercoristic" or by-name (supernomen or signum; BC 4:145; G. H. R. Horsley, ABD 4:1011-17, B.1 and D.5): Saul, his "synagogue name," from birth; Paul, his name in the Gentile world. Harrer: Paul's father, a freed slave, tookthe praenomen and nomen of his former master plus his own slave name as cognomen ("Marcus Tullius Tiro," freedman and secretary of Marcus Tullius Cicero). Paul's letters never use "Saul," but he was of the tribe of Benjamin (Phil 3:6) and could have had the name of the tribe's greatest king as signum; cf. Cranfield Rom. 48-50, Fitzmyer AB 33:230-31. Jerome claims he had been born in Gischala in Galilee, but when the legions of Varus crushed a rebellion there ca. 4 b.c. the family was removed to Tarsus (Comm. on Phlm v. 23, re Phil 3:5, PL 26:617; Vir. ill. 5, PL 23:615). On his career, see Comment B.4.a; Chart 2, Intro. VIII.
Timothy. Gk. "(one who) honors God," frequent from Aristoph. and Xen. on; LXX, 1 Macc 5:6-44, e.g.; inscriptions and papyri (BDAG 1006; MM 635). Cosender, see Comment B.4.c.; 2:19-22, highly praised, sent to Philippi till Paul can come (2:23-24). Schenk 272, Timothy is to help Euodia and Syntyche resolve their conflict; Note and Comment on 4:3. He is "our brother" (ho adelphos, 1 Thess 3:2, etc.). Ellis (1970-71:445-51 = 1978:13-22, cf. DPL 183-84) refers the term (esp. in the pl. and with the art.) to "a relatively limited group of workers, some of whom have the Christian mission and/or ministry as their primary occupation" (447 = 15), with a "structured, i.e. appointed role" (451 = 22). But the entire congregation is addressed as adelphoi (Phil 1:12; 3:1,13,17; 4:1,83; Ollrog 78 n 9). Timothy = "coworker" (Rom 16:21). Among the "apostles of Christ" (1 Thess 2:7), commissioned missionary-preachers, a group larger than "the twelve" (1 Cor 15:5, 7), more significant than "congregational apostles" like Epaphroditus (Phil 2:25). Cf. Kertelge 1972: 83-84, 95-96. But not an apostle like Paul (Ollrog, 22 n 78). Paul converted him (1 Cor 4:17, BDAG teknon 3.b; cf. Acts 14:5-7, 16:1; Schmithals, RGG 6:903); Ollrog 20-21, 67-68 thinks conversion came later; cf. Cohen, C. Bryan, Fitzmyer AB 31:574-575. A "troubleshooter" for Paul (1 Thess 3:1-6; 1 Cor 4:16-21). Some think "Paul had misgivings about his young colleague" (1 Cor 16:10-11); a "failure" in Corinth (Kee, IDB 4:650-51; below, [9] Comment B.1.a). But no indication that Timothy needed "rehabilitation" (Furnish, 2 Cor, AB 32A:105). Claims: Timothy wrote Col, while Paul was imprisoned in Ephesus (Ollrog 219-33, 236-42); the "we"-sections in Acts or a diary behind these vv. Some correct traditions on him in the Pastorals (Quinn/Wacker, 1 and 2 Tim., ECC 581-83). Cf. Acts 16:1-3; 17:14-15; 18:5; 19:22; 20:4; 1, 2 Tim; Heb 13:23; Furnish, AB 32A:103-6; Kee, Trummer, Gillman. Later traditions (bishop of Ephesus, Eus. HE 3.4.5) in The Oxford Dictionary of the Christian Church, ed. F. L. Cross (London: Oxford University Press, 2nd ed., 1974) 1378.
slaves of Christ Jesus. Three Gk. words, "a semantic unity" (Schenk 77); gen. is subj. or possession ("belong to Christ"), but objective gen. cannot be excluded, "slaves for Christ Jesus."
Christ Jesus. "Jesus Christ" in some MSS (KJV; Silva 42). Sanday/Headlam (Rom. 5th ed. 1902, p. 3), only early letters (1 Thess, 2 Thess, Gal) had "Jesus Christ." Cerfaux, Christ* 501-5, 508: "Jesus Christ" = the man Jesus; "Christ Jesus," the preexistent one. By the time of Phil, (the) Christ, Christ Jesus, and Jesus Christ "all mean the same thing" (TDNT 9:553). W. Kramer, Christ 204-6, with statistics, "Jesus Christ in the nominative case, but in the oblique cases ... Christ Jesus," for clarity (grecized Semitic names lack case endings). Here not "messiah."
slaves. Trs. tone down doulos to "servant" (TLNT 1:380); [N]RSV-mg, rightly, "slaves." Ownership of human beings existed throughout the ancient Near East, Israel, even Qumran (CD11:12, 12:10-11; I. Mendelsohn, IBD 4:383-91; W. Zimmerli, IDBSup 829-30); in Judaism (Str-B 4:698-744; H. H. Cohn, EncJud 14:1655-60; Flesher); the Greco-Roman world (OCD 1415-17; Barrow; Finley 1974, 1987; Callahan et al., eds., Semeia 83-84; Glancey 9-38, 99). Aristot.: a slave is "a living tool" (Eth. Nic. 8.11.6), property with a soul (Pol. 1253b32), a "thing" (Lat. res), under the master's control. At times, a "benevolent" institution (Vogt; contrast Bradley). Ideology enters into many modern assessments (Finley 1980; O. Patterson).
The Christian movement included slave-owners (Philemon) and slaves (Onesimus), though not "the lowest menials," working in mines as near Philippi (Moule 1982:209). Perhaps a third of the people in Corinth were slaves, another third exslaves (J. Murphy-O'Connor, 1 Corinthians, NT Message 10 [Wilmington: Glazier, 1979] xi). For terms involved, legal details, manumission practices, and early Christian attitudes, see Bartchy; IDBSup 830-32; Lyall 1970-71, 1984:27-46; Fitzmyer, Phlm. AB 34C:25-33; "social-world," literary approach to Onesimus, N. R. Petersen, slaves, esp. 93-102, 163-70, 206-15. Roman law sometimes ameliorated conditions. Stoics promoted egalitarianism. Only the Essenes launched "a programmatic denunciation of institutionalized slavery" (Philo, Prob. 79 = LCL Philo 9:56-57; IDBSup 831). But by and large slavery "was never really questioned in antiquity.... Almost no one, slaves included, thought to organize society any other way"; slaves sometimes had slaves (D. B. Martin 42, cf. 7 and 31).
In Paul, "slave(ry)" can describe the human condition prior to salvation (Gal 4:1-9, 24-25; 5:1; Rom 8:12-23) or Christian obedience (Rom 6:16-22; Gal 5:13; M. R. Harris 2001). A nonreligious use (BDAG doulos 1) is rare (1 Cor 7:21), as a contrast to "free person" (Gal 3:28; cf. 1 Cor 12:13) or "lord"/master (Col 3:22; 4:1; Sass). Gk. sources seldom spoke of slaves to some deity (D. B. Martin xv); "doulos ... of a god is radically non-Greek," simultaneous freedom and bondage "unthinkable" (Conzelmann, 1 Cor. 128 and n 32). slaves of Christ Jesus suggested to converts Oriental, ancient Near Eastern backgrounds (D. B. Martin 56). Explanations proposed for NT use include the following:
(1) The presence of slaves in Hellenistic-Roman life accounts for "servile imagery in the NT" (IDBSup 832). Cf. Hawth. 4-5; O'B 45; Bockmuehl 50; Harris 2001; Collange 36; Silva 40-41.
(2) Near Eastern praxis (Sass, summary in Best 1968:375; cf. K. C. Russell; Semeia 83-84:67-111): slaves to a king or deity (1 Sam 29:3; 2 Kgs 5:6; BDAG 2.b); in Israel 'ebed YHWH (LXX doulos), for leaders like Moses, Joshua, David, the prophets (Amos 3:7; Jer 7:25), the pais or "servant (of the Lord)" (Isa 42:1), God's people (Isa 45:4), worshipers generally (Ps 34 [33]:22 , etc.). NT carryover for prophets (Rev 10:7), apostles (Acts 4:29), and "God-fearing people" (Luke 2:29; Rev 2:20); BDAG doulos 2.b.s; Gnilka 31. Is Paul then on the same level as all Christians? No, he does not apply doulos to all believers (Gnilka 30). Really a "concept of office" (Sass), its antonym Christ, meaning christologically derived (2:7); cf. 2:22; Schenk 77; DA 186-88 and n 125. Asserts "apostolic authority" (R. P. Martin 1976:60; cf. D. B. Martin 55-56), an honorific title of some significance (Sass; G. Barth 14; EDNT 1:352; Edart 46-47; Hooker, NIB 11:480, like Phil 2:11, not 2:7).
(3) "Biblical theology": all Christians = douloi Christou (TDNT 2:273-79; K. C. Russell; NIDNTT 3:596-97). Christ took the form of a doulos (Phil 2:7; John 13). His cross (Gal 3:13; 4:4-5) sets people free (1 Cor 7:23; Gal 5:1) but obligates them as douloi (1 Cor 7:22b; Rom 6:16b-19; 14:18), after a "change of masters," "slaves of the Slave Jesus Christ." One may (Sokolowski) or may not (Bartchy 1973:121-25; Combes 84-87) invoke parallels in "sacred manumission," a practice at Greek temples (Deissmann, LAE 326-30; Paul 172-76; texts in Barrett 1957:52-53). A freed slave (libertinus) might have to perform certain services (operae) for his patron (Lyall 1984:43-45). Cf. Combes, Byron, below.
(4) Social-history lines: doulos = a title of honor (D. B. Martin; cf. Bartchy, ABD; Laub; DA 309). In a tiered hierarchy among slaves, "middle-level" douloi with managerial skills (as in Matthew's parables) could control property and achieve upward social mobility and status by association with the upper class in a patron-client system. "Slavery to Christ" brings status and a kind of derived authority (1-49). Paul was "Christ's managerial slave" (1 Cor 9:19-23). But contrast Fields 48-55; Rollins 1987. B. Dodd 148 (re Gal 1:1), "slave of Christ" was "a metaphor of power by affiliation with the most important person in the cosmos, much as a member of the familia Caesaris [cf. on Phil 4:22] might claim his or her unique social status as Caesar's slave." The doulos of Caesar has a stake in the Imperial household (M. J. Brown). DA 187 n 127, it implies power. A significant term for Philippi.
(5) Revisionist social history (O. Patterson, cf. Finley; Callahan et al. 1998, Semeia 83/84; Glancey 27-29, 114): Most NT treatments of slavery come from classicists who reflect "modern humanism"; they make the practice too benign. For most slaves, no "upward mobility" (cf. Meggitt, contra Weaver [(17) Bibl.], Meeks 1983). Not an appropriate figure for salvation (contra D. B. Martin); = "social death," maintained by "institutional violence" (Patterson), hand in hand with Empire, class structure, degradation, dehumanization, and humiliation (Horsley 1998a:38). Manumission (of old worn-out slaves) was "incentive for obedient servitude" (53). Horsley 1998b, Paul reflects a "counter-imperial mission" and "alternative society" (176). "Slave-like humiliation" in 2:6-11 "does not indicate that Paul thought of the status or role of believers as that of a slave of Christ" (171, contra N. Petersen, slaves, 240-42). Slave language in Paul is "overemphasized and inappropriately valorized" (175). Cf. Ascough 2003:122-23. At best, for Paul, "semi-titular ... as a 'slave of Christ'" (176). Wire (Semeia 83/84) questions Pauline "opposition to Roman imperial structures" (288, 290); similarly Stowers (ibid. 302, cf. 308-10), "slaves of Christ" is a "plastic metaphor," used in many ways.
Combes 72-94 rejects (2) and (4), OT prophet and "manager slave," in favor of a metaphor for all Christians (cf. above [3] and in [5] Patterson). Bryon considers only OT-Jewish background (15-16). In Israel since the exodus all were "slaves of God" (in MT, only at Ezra 5:11; LXX Jonah 1:9 "doulos kyriou I am"). A pattern "sin-exile-return" is claimed in Bar. and Par. Jer. (4 Bar.), and "humiliation-obedience-exaltation" in Jdt (7:27; 8:23-27; 6:19, etc., 9:11), the pattern he sees in Phil 2:6-11 (see [7] Exc. B, II.D.10), in light of which Byron views Phil 1:1 and all slavery references in Gal, Rom, and 1 Cor. From Christ, "the paradigmatic slave of God," stems an "implicit call" to all Philippians "to act as slaves of Christ" (178); Paul and Timothy are so named specifically (1:1, cf. 2:2); "emblematic status" for association with Christ (263). But if OT, why only in letters to Roman cities? Derivation of 1:1 from doulos at 2:8 is questionable, evidence for the claims limited. Hellerman 117-21, Greco-Roman background, not OT. See further in Comment B.4.d below.
Jesus. (ho) lesous, Heb. Joshua ("Yahu is help, Yahweh saves"; yehôsua'; after the exile, usually yesûa'; AB 6:120); Joshua son of Nun and others in the OT (1 Sam 6:14,18; 2 Kgs 23:8), common among Jews until the 2nd cent. a.d. (Foerster, TDNT 3:285; K. H. Rengstorf, NIDNTT 2:331). Cf. Acts 7:45; Heb 4:8; Luke 3:29; Matt 27:16 (MSS; NRSV) "Jesus Barabbas"; Bar-Jesus (Acts 13:6); Jesus called Justus (Col 4:11). For Paul's readers, any etymological sense (Matt 1:21, Jesus "will save his people from their sins") was probably unknown. 22x in Phil; only at 2:10 without some added term like Christos.
Christ. Christos, from chriein, to anoint. LXX, for Heb. masîah, "anointed one." In OT, of anointed kings and high priests; occasionally, prophets (1 Kgs 19:16), patriarchs (Ps 105:15); Cyrus as Yahweh's agent (Isa 45:1); cf. TDNT 9:497-509; S. Szikszai, IDB 1:138-39; E. Jenni, IDB 3:360-65; S. E. Johnson, IDB 1:562-71; K. H. Rengstorf, NIDNTT 3:335-37; M. de Jonge, ABD 4:777-81. Varied views in Judaism and Jesus' cautious reaction to the term (Mark 8:27-29 parr.; 14:61-62 parr.; TDNT 9:509-27, 537-40; NIDNTT 3:340-42; Hahn 1969:136-60; Fuller 1965:109-11) are background for (post-Easter) assertion, "Jesus is the Christ" (Acts 5:42; 9:5; 17:3; 18:5,28; 1 John 5:1; Mark 8:29). Gk.-speaking Jewish Christians employed Christos with OT backgrounds in mind, in faith statements ("pistis-formulas," W. Kramer, Christ) about Jesus' death and resurrection (e.g., 1 Cor 15:3-5), for mission proclamation and baptism. "Christ crucified" and risen was associated with the blessings of salvation. Believers belong to Christ, united "with Christ" and "in Christ" by baptism, in the "body of Christ" (1 Cor 12:12-13,27; Rom 6:3-11; Schreiber 2000:408-10), with implications for living in and conforming to Christ (Rom 15:2-3,7), while awaiting his parousia and judgment before Christ (2 Cor 5:10). Paul took over and deepened ideas about Christ (W. Kramer). 2 Cor 5:14-21 = a "summary of Paul's own theology" centered in Christ (TDNT 9:545). Phil abounds with "Christ statements."
Paul knew the Semitic background of Christos (2 Cor 1:21-22). Gentile converts might be taught some of the titular meaning as "messiah" (TPTA 197-99), but Christ was more a second personal name, Jesus' cognomen (Hahn 193; Bockmuehl 52, with bibl.; Hengel 1962:67-69, comparing Caesar Augustus), its meaning from proclamation about Christ (Hengel 1962:77).
to all the saints in Christ Jesus who are in Philippi. Indir. obj. of vb. (understood), "Paul and Timothy [write]" (cf. 3:1; Johanson 60); or, possibly, "[say] (legousin, cf. 3:18; 4:11; ATR 394) to all ... in Philippi." Some paraphrase, "From Paul and Timothy ... to ..." (NEB/REB). A two-part description, "to all the saints (tois hagiois) in Christ Jesus,/ the ones-who-are (tois ousin) in Philippi." An ekklesia (4:15). On house churches there, see Comment B.5.a. Saints occurs for addressees in 1 Cor, 2 Cor, and Rom.
all. BDAG pas, pasa, pan 1.b.b + art. + pl. noun = "all," in the sense of "every saint in Christ Jesus" (4:21). Unusual in Paul's prescripts (Rom 1:7; Col, Eph). Lft. 83 saw "studied repetition of the word 'all,'" 1:4, 7 ("you all" twice), 8,25; 2:17,26; 4:21, cf. 22 and 23 (MSS); all exhorts to unity. Hawth. 5, against "dissension in Philippi," disunity that Peterlin carried to extremes (Fee 66 n 41). Esp. characteristic of Letter B (cf. Gnilka 31).
the saints. hagiois (dat. pl.), "the holy ones" (NABRNT). Also at Phil 4:21, an inclusio? Lat. sanctis led to "saints" in KJV, [N]RSV. NEB/REB, GNB, "God's people." Adj. hagios, -ia, -ion, dedicated or consecrated to the service of God (BDAG 1). BDAG 2.d.s believers, loyal followers, saints. BDAG employs boldface roman type for word meanings, boldface italics for formal equivalents, as below s.v. 1:1 agents.
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Table of Contents
Contents
Preface....................xviiAbbreviations....................xix
Bible Translations....................xxii
Grammatical and Other Terms....................xxiii
INTRODUCTION I. PHILIPPI AND ENVIRONS....................3
II. PAUL AND PHILIPPI IN ACTS: THE FOUNDING MISSION AND SUBSEQUENT VISITS (Acts 16:11-40; 20:1-6)....................5
III. THE LETTER(S) "TO THE PHILIPPIANS" (PROS PHILIPPESIOUS)....................6
IV. TEXT, GLOSSES, AND INTERPOLATION THEORIES....................7
V. AUTHORSHIP....................8
VI. PARTITION THEORIES AND THE UNITY (INTEGRITY) OF THE DOCUMENT....................8
VII. THEORIES ON PLACE AND DATE OF WRITING FOR THE (THREE) LETTERS AND THEIR REDACTION....................13
VIII. CHRONOLOGY ON PAUL AND PHILIPPI (A.D. 48-57)....................16
IX. METHODS AND APPROACH IN THIS COMMENTARY....................19
X. THEOLOGY IN PHILIPPIANS....................19
GENERAL BIBLIOGRAPHY....................23
TRANSLATION, NOTES, COMMENT, AND SECTIONAL BIBLIOGRAPHIES LETTER OPENING, 1:1-11....................53
1. PRESCRIPT (Address, Salutation), 1:1-2....................53
2. PROOIMION (Prayer Report, Thanksgiving and Intercession), 1:3-11....................101
THE BODY OF THE LETTER, 1:12-4:20 LETTER B, BODY, 1:12-3:1 3. NARRATIO (Paul Describes the Situation Where He Is), 1:12-18c....................166
4. NARRATIO, Continued (Paul's Expectations, as He Weighs the Balance: To Stay on in Service), 1:18d-26....................209
EXCURSUS A: "With Christ" (1:23) and Eschatology....................239
5. PARAENESIS(Propositio, with Reasons for the Admonitions), 1:27-30....................261
6. PARAENESIS (Exhortatio, with Further Reasons for the Comfort and Admonitions), 2:1-4....................297
7. THE PHILIPPIANS' ENCOMIUM, applied by Paul to Christian Life in Philippi, 2:5-11....................333
EXCURSUS B: The Message about Jesus Christ's Humilitation and God's Exalting Him to Lordship (2:6-11)....................333
8. PARAENESIS (Exhortatio, with Further Reasons for the Comfort and Admonitions), 2:12-18....................384
9. TRAVEL PLANS FOR MISSION and Some Paraenesis, 2:19-30....................418
10. TOWARD CONCLUDING PARAENESIS, 3:1....................451
LETTER C, BODY, 3:2-21 11. A BRUSQUE WARNING: "Circumcision" and Us, 3:2-4a....................460
12. SAUL THE PHARISEE, PAUL "IN CHRIST": Autobiographical Instruction on Law, Righteousness, Resurrection, and More, 3:4b-11....................481
13. PAUL AND THE PHILIPPIANS: Running Toward the Goal, but Not Perfected, 3:12-16....................533
14. THE PAULINE MODEL VERSUS ENEMIES OF CHRIST'S CROSS: Future Change, Proper Glory, 3:17-21....................566
15. CONCLUDING PARAENESIS (with Letter Closing), 4:1-9....................605
LETTER A, BODY; CANONICAL PHILIPPIANS BODY CONCLUSIONS, 4:10-20 16. FRIENDSHIP, THANKS, AND GOD, 4:10-20....................646
LETTER CLOSING 4:21-23 17. EPISTOLARY POSTSCRIPT (Greetings, Benediction), 4:21-23....................727
INDEXES General Index....................745
Index of Authors....................751
Index of Scripture and Other Ancient Texts....................765