Parameters and Universals

by Richard S. Kayne

Overview

This is a collection of previously published essays on comparative syntax by the distinguished linguist Richard Kayne. The papers cover issues of comparative syntax as they are applied to French, Italian, and other Romance languages and dialects, together forming a strongly cohesive set that will be valuable to both scholars and students.

Product Details

ISBN-13:	9780195102369
Publisher:	Oxford University Press
Publication date:	09/28/2000
Series:	Oxford Studies in Comparative Syntax
Edition description:	New Edition
Pages:	384
Product dimensions:	5.90(w) x 8.90(h) x 1.10(d)

Table of Contents

I.	Romance
1.	Microparametric Syntax: Some Introductory Remarks	3
2.	Past Participle Agreement in French and Italian	10
2.1	Problems	10
2.2	Locality	12
2.3	Solutions	15
2.4	Subjects	21
2.5	Conclusion	21
3.	Facets of Romance Past Participle Agreement	25
3.1	A unified theory	26
3.2	Expletives	29
3.3	ECM	31
3.4	Wh- vs. clitics	32
3.5	Postverbal NPs	34
3.6	Aux-to-comp	35
3.7	Conclusion	36
4.	Null Subjects and Clitic Climbing	40
4.1	Clitic climbing	40
4.1.1	No restructuring rule	40
4.1.2	Intervening adverbs	41
4.1.3	Adjunction is to the left	42
4.2	Constraints on Clitic Climbing	43
4.2.1	Infinitival I	43
4.2.2	Causatives	43
4.2.3	Negation as head	44
4.2.4	Stepwise climbing	44
4.2.5	Blocking by C	46
4.2.6	Clitic splitting	47
4.2.7	Impersonals	49
4.2.8	Tense	51
4.3	French vs. Italian	51
4.3.1	Easy-to-please	51
4.3.2	Infinitival if	53
4.3.3	Auxiliaries	54
4.3.4	Conclusion	54
5.	Romance Clitics, Verb Movement, and PRO	60
5.1	Romance clitics	61
5.1.1	Infinitives	61
5.1.2	Past participles	68
5.1.3	Split clitics	71
5.1.4	Finite verbs	73
5.2	PRO	74
5.2.1	English	74
5.2.2	French	76
5.2.3	Italian	79
5.2.4	Romance	80
5.2.5	Infinitive adjunction interferes with C[superscript 0]-government	81
5.2.6	Binding theory and PRO	83
5.2.7	Levels	85
6.	Italian Negative Infinitival Imperatives and Clitic Climbing	98
6.1	Infinitives in negative imperatives	98
6.2	Clitic climbing	100
6.3	Licensing of the empty modal	100
6.4	Overt modals in negative imperatives	101
6.5	Conclusion	104
7.	Toward a Modular Theory of Auxiliary Selection	107
7.1	Possessive constructions	108
7.1.1	Hungarian	108
7.1.2	English	108
7.1.3	Possessive have	110
7.2	Auxiliary + past participle	111
7.2.1	English auxiliary have	111
7.2.2	Unaccusatives with have	112
7.2.3	Transitives with have	114
7.2.4	Unergatives	115
7.2.5	Transitives and unergatives with be	115
7.2.6	Reflexive clitics with be	117
7.2.7	Sensitivity to tense	119
7.2.8	Unaccusatives revisited	120
7.2.9	Reflexive clitics with have	122
7.2.10	Have for be	123
7.3	Conclusion	123
8.	Person Morphemes and Reflexives in Italian, French, and Related Languages	131
8.1	m- and t-	131
8.1.1	French possessives	131
8.1.2	French nonpossessives	133
8.1.3	Italian	134
8.1.4	m-/t- and number	135
8.1.5	n-/v- in French	137
8.1.6	Italian n- and v-	138
8.1.7	m-/t- versus l-	139
8.2	s-	142
8.2.1	Reflexive s-	142
8.2.2	Reflexive s- and number	145
8.2.3	Further restrictions on -e	147
8.2.4	A restriction on reflexive s-	148
8.2.5	Reflexive s- and Condition B	149
8.2.6	Pronominal s-	150
8.2.7	A further question	151
8.2.8	Morphology and Anaphora	152
9.	A Note on Clitic Doubling in French	163
9.1	Cardinaletti and Starke (1994)	164
9.2	Clitic doubling in French	164
9.3	Proposal	165
9.4	Gapping	166
9.5	Subjects	167
9.6	More gapping	169
9.7	Modified pronouns	171
9.8	Quantifiers	172
9.9	Quantifiers with covert nonclitic pronouns	173
9.10	More on the third-person restriction on covert nonclitic pronouns	174
9.11	An extension to covert subjects	176
9.12	Soi	177
9.13	Conclusion	177
II.	English
10.	Notes on English Agreement	187
10.1	-s as a number affix	187
10.2	Verb agreement with a wh-phrase	190
10.3	Raised auxiliaries are below C	193
10.4	English vs. French	194
10.5	Negation and emphasis as heads	195
10.6	Zero suffixes	197
10.7	Contraction	200
10.8	Amn't	202
11.	Agreement and Verb Morphology in Three Varieties of English	206
11.1	English has inflection for number but not for person	206
11.2	Num is contentful or expletive	207
11.3	Extracted elements may adjoin to NumP	208
11.4	Analysis	209
12.	The English Complementizer of	212
III.	Universals
13.	Overt versus Covert Movement	223
13.1	Negation	224
13.1.1	Scandinavian	224
13.1.2	English	226
13.1.3	More complex VPs	228
13.1.4	no versus some	230
13.1.5	Wide-scope negation	231
13.1.6	Subject-object asymmetry	234
13.2	Only	234
13.2.1	Similarities to negation	234
13.2.2	An important difference between only and some negation	237
13.2.3	Attraction by only	238
13.2.4	Attraction by Neg[superscript 0] and not	240
13.2.5	More on wide scope	241
13.2.6	Subject and pre-subject only and negation	242
13.3	Other elements related to only and negation	244
13.3.1	Even	244
13.3.2	Too	245
13.3.3	Focus	248
13.3.4	Universal grammar	249
13.3.5	Heavy-NP shift	250
13.3.6	German nur (= only)	252
13.3.7	Scandinavian negation	253
13.3.8	Covert movement	254
13.3.9	German	256
13.3.10	Scope ambiguities with two quantifiers	257
13.3.11	A digression on particles	260
13.3.12	ACD	260
13.4	Conclusion	261
14.	Prepositional Complementizers as Attractors	282
14.1	The nominal character of French and Italian infinitives	283
14.2	French and Italian infinitives do not occupy DP positions	286
14.3	Attraction to de/di	288
14.4	The preposition restriction	291
14.5	The subject restriction	292
14.6	Topicalization, dislocation, and extraposition	292
14.7	English to: similarities	297
14.8	English to: differences	299
14.9	English to: negation	301
14.10	Conclusion	303
15.	A Note on Prepositions, Complementizers, and Word Order Universals	314
15.1	Prepositional complementizers	315
15.2	of	315
15.3	Extraposition	317
15.4	Word order universals	320
15.5	Further word order universals	322
15.6	Conclusion	323
15.7	Epilogue	323
	References	327
	Index	357