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| ISBN-13: | 9781911621058 |
|---|---|
| Publisher: | Grub Street |
| Publication date: | 06/25/2018 |
| Pages: | 256 |
| Sales rank: | 978,221 |
| Product dimensions: | 5.30(w) x 8.10(h) x 0.80(d) |
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CHAPTER 1
PART ONE THE PILOTS' POOL
Historical Preamble
For Britain and her Allies at the beginning of 1917 the outlook on the Western Front was sombre. In this third year of war the battle line still stretched unbroken for 350 miles across Belgium and France, from the Channel to Switzerland. The broad, shell-pitted belt of trenches and dugouts, protected by myriads of machine-guns trained on dense entanglements of barbed wire, had proved a barrier too difficult to pass by either contestant. Despite the years of ruthless fighting, and the loss of hundreds of thousands of lives, the Line had not moved more than a few miles east or west.
The last great holocaust, the Battle of the Somme in 1916, launched to lessen the pressure against the French at Verdun, had failed in its ultimate aim, although a tactically useful ridge was won at a cost of 420,000 British casualties and half as many French. And now, at the start of 1917, with four million Allied troops facing two and a half million Germans, there was no other prospect than again to assail the enemy positions with mass onslaughts of infantry, to pay the price of 'attrition' by further monstrous sacrifices in flesh and blood.
The chief British campaign planned for this year was a major breakthrough in Flanders, but this had to be preceded by two attacks to the south, by the French on the Aisne, in Champagne, and by the British along the Scarpe, east of Arras. In the Battle of Arras, which began on April 9th, an advance of four miles was achieved at a cost of 160,000 casualties. The battle should have ended early in May, but was prolonged for three weeks in order to help the French, whose Aisne offensive had been bloodily repulsed, and whose troops were in a state of mutiny. The consequent weakening of French morale and manpower threw the brunt of further fighting during the year upon the British, whose response was Haig's Flanders offensive, the disastrous Third Battle of Ypres.
In contrast with the war on the ground, so far producing only deadlock, with neither contestant enjoying emphatic periods of mastery, the war in the air had seen the fortunes of the opposing forces fluctuate dramatically. Here, ascendancy rested on the relative technical efficiency of Allied and German aircraft, and as the production of higher-performance machines passed every few months from one side to the other, and back again, so did the mastery of the skies above the battlefield.
The first year of the air war saw the reconnaissance and artillery aeroplanes of the R.F.C., as of the French and German air services, carrying out their duties without serious interference. The second phase began in the late summer of 1915, when the Germans produced the Fokker monoplane, carrying a machine-gun with an interrupter gear by which it could be fired in the line of flight through the arc of the revolving propeller. With this unmatched armament the Fokker all but cleared the skies of Allied aircraft.
Not until the following spring, and later, during the Battle of the Somme, did the next phase come, when the Allies regained relative freedom of the air with the British D.H.2 and F.E.2b and 2d, which, like the pioneer Vickers 'GunBus', were fighter pushers armed with a machine-gun firing from a forward nacelle, and the French 'Baby' Nieuport, firing over the top wing.
Towards the end of 1916 this advantage was lost to the Halberstadt and the Albatros D-II, both with two guns firing through the propeller arc. Early in 1917 the even better Albatros D-III arrived, and this outclassed all British fighters except the Sopwith Triplane and, at very high altitudes only, the Sopwith Pup. But both these planes had only one gun. Newer, better-armed British fighters now arriving, potentially equal to the D-III, such as the S.E.5 and the Bristol F.2a two-seater, were at first ineffective because of technical shortcomings and tactical mishandling. Later, reinforced by the Sopwith two-gun Camel, which was to come into service in July, they were to bring the odds level.
But in the Battle of Arras the German superiority was crushing, for although their pilots, led by the redoubtable Baron von Richtofen, faced over double their numbers, their D-IIIs destroyed the outdated British planes with ease. Only the Triplane, with its better climb and tighter turn, could match them. The British casualties in this battle were the most severe ever to be suffered by the Royal Flying Corps. Between March and May, 1,270 aeroplanes were destroyed or failed to return, and during one five-day period in April 75 were shot down, of whose 105 occupants, 86 were killed or missing. Not without cause did this month come to be known as Bloody April.
These heavy losses, continuing into May, consumed the reserves of qualified pilots, which necessitated replacements being rushed out from England without adequate training. These novitiates could be granted no gradual introduction to air combat, but were sent straight into action, usually on obsolescent craft, against experienced German pilots mounted on much superior planes, and were thus, with tragic frequency, shot down on their first patrols.
That the R.F.C. possessed numerical superiority in aircraft in France was a mockery, for this was one of the prime causes of technical inferiority. The Corps was being expanded too rapidly, without due regard to the capacity for production of an aircraft industry handicapped by sordid political and inter-service rivalries, by the sterilising grip of the Royal Aircraft Factory, and by frequent strikes among the aircraft workers. Because too many squadrons had somehow to be equipped and maintained, quantity took precedence over quality, and the Albatros pilots continued to be presented with generous offerings of hapless prey.
It was at this unpromising hour that I arrived on the Western Front. I would have been there earlier, in good time for the Arras shambles, had I not been unfit for active service for some months as the result of injuries received in a flying accident due to incompetent instruction during training. The enforced delay gave me time to become a skilled pilot. On May 16th I was one of a group of reinforcements sent to the northern Pilots' Pool in France. From there the letters begin.
No 1 Aircraft Depot, St Omer, British Expeditionary Force, France Friday, May 18th, 1917
So far, so good! I'm at the Pool at the Depot, together with some of the fellows from Portmeadow who also crossed the Channel on Wednesday. I sent just an 'I'm here' postcard from the Hotel Folkestone at Boulogne, where we were billeted, for there was nothing much to say except that the sea was rough, and everybody, including me, was hopelessly sick. Not the cleverest way to celebrate the first time I've been out of England, nor, for that matter, my formal entry into my first war.
This depot stocks both aeroplanes and pilots (and also repairs the planes) and sends them to squadrons that suffer crashes and casualties. It is an ugly sprawling place, with scores of Bessoneau canvas hangars, and workshops, and rows and rows of Nissen huts for living quarters, among them the Pilots' Pool. Several of the chaps waiting to be posted are old friends from 66 Squadron at Filton and 40 Training Squadron at Portmeadow.
Some of the pilots who crossed with me went on by road to No 2 Aircraft Depot at Candas, near Doullens, which supplies the Southern Front. This includes the Arras sector, where R.F.C. casualties have been so heavy over the past month or so. Those kept here will go to squadrons on the Northern Front, where things are quieter, and so we'll have a chance to learn the job, and not get into trouble in the first few days.
Most pilots average 15–20 hours' flying when they arrive here, with maybe 10–12 solo, five on the type they're expected to fight on. With that amount of piloting, they can't even fly, let alone fight. I find I've done more flying than any of the others, with my 85 hours — 721/2 solo, 18 on Pups. My Avro crash at Filton certainly did me well by keeping me in England long enough to learn to fly properly.
Saturday, May 19th
In the afternoon the monotony of waiting around was broken by a flying job. Six of us were detailed to ferry B.E.2es to No 2 A.D. I hadn't flown a Quirk for months, and when I took off I saw in my mind's eye the nasty flat-spin crash that I perpetrated at Filton, but everything went well. There was much mist around, but I managed to find my way to Candas, and land without trouble, but of the rest, two crashed on landing, one crashed badly en route in a forced landing, and another, called Barlow, who lost his way and landed on what he learned was the Field of the Battle of Agincourt, also crashed when he got there. The sixth is still missing. I felt rather a cad not crashing too, because everyone is glad to see death-traps like Quirks written off, especially new ones.
The journey back in a Crossley was fun, for I bagged one of the two front seats, the other being taken by Captain Bonar Law, son of the politician, whom I'd met before. It must have been hell for the chaps inside, for the driver went like the wind, roaring round corners on two wheels and swaying madly, but I enjoyed it, and wished I'd been driving, that is if I could drive. Strange when you consider it, I can fly an aeroplane, but I've never driven a car. As it grew dark, we saw flashes of gunfire all along to the eastwards. It was thrilling to watch. The war was coming closer!
I see from yesterday's newspapers — they come only a day late, which is pretty good in wartime — that there's still no news of Albert Ball. It's now two weeks since he was missing, and people here think he must be dead, probably so smashed up or burnt that he can't be identified. He was a jolly stout fellow if ever there was one. I feel very proud that I'm a Sherwood Forester, like him.
I've just been reading about his last fight in the R.F.C. Weekly Communiqué, which everybody calls Comic Cuts, and which gives a brief account of day-to-day work in the squadrons, made up from pilots' and observers' reports. Ball's squadron, 56, gets mentioned often. They seem to be doing quite well on the new S.E.s, though the chaps here say they won't be really good until they get a more powerful engine.
I'm writing this in the ante-room after a late dinner, but I'll have to stop now as the crowd are having a booze-up, and a whale of a racket is working up. I'll either have to join them or go to bed, and as the beds are as hard as boards, it looks like drinking!
Sunday, May 20th
I didn't feel very 98.4 this morning when I woke up. The binge went on until after midnight, though I can't think why. It was one of those full-out parties that start for no particular reason and go on until the drink runs out. We had some sing-songs — one fellow produced a baby concertina — and sang things like 'When this ruddy war is over, ah how happy we shall be' and 'The green grass grew all round' and some less delicate ones such as:
Two German officers crossed the Rhine, skiboo, skiboo. To love the women and taste the wine, skiboo, skiboo. Oh, landlord, you've a daughter fair, With lily-white arms and golden hair. Skiboo, skiboo, skiboolby boo, skidam, dam, dam.
and so on, for lots of verses, which become more and more blue. As for skiboo, I've no idea what it means, but it's very good for yelling out at the top of your voice when you're ginned.
I went to bed with my head buzzing with all the evening's talk and songs, a mix-up of our heavy casualties and dud machines with green grass and skiboos and Albatros scouts, all flashing confusedly in a dizzy alcoholic world. The hangover this morning lasted until lunchtime.
In the afternoon I sat with the other chaps in the Pool Mess and just talked. When you're waiting day after day for the summons from the Adjutant that means a posting to a squadron there's nothing much to do except play cards or read dog-eared magazines and newspapers, but this gets boring, and so mostly we talk. About the war, of course. The air war, that is, for nobody is much interested in what happens on the ground.
And these chats give you a very different line from the soothing syrup they hand out at home. Fellows come hot from the squadrons to collect new machines, and they pop into the Mess for a drink and a meal and to see the chaps, and they tell us the unvarnished truth, straight from the cannon's mouth. About fellows we know, killed, wounded or prisoners, about the several kinds of machine they have to fly which ought to be on the scrap-heap, and how they've been shot down in droves by this Baron Richtofen and his squadron with their latest Albatros, twenty-five miles an hour faster than anything we have. That's why they bagged so many of our machines during the Arras show, especially last month. Bloody April, people are calling it.
We've got too many death-traps in service, like the F.E.8 scouts, a whole formation of nine shot down in one scrap in March, and the equally senile Martinsyde scouts, the Morane Parasols and the D.H.2s. The Nieuport and Sopwith two-seaters aren't much better, while not one of the whole breed of B.E.s has a hope in hell against the Albatros and the Halberstadt. Only the Triplane and the Pup can give them a beating. Perhaps things won't be so bad now that new machines are coming along, like the R.E.8, the D.H.4, the S.E.5 and the Bristol, but they haven't done much yet.
I'm lucky to be a Pup merchant, and also to be clear of the Arras mess-up. But it's strange that no one who goes off to Candas seems to care, each one reckons that casualties are other chaps, never maybe himself. That's how I look at it too. I hope you don't find this sort of thing depressing, but, after all, it's no good sticking one's head in the sand. Anyway, I am going to a quiet section of the Line.
There isn't much else to write about while I'm here at the Depot, though there'll be plenty when I get to a squadron. I'll look out for cheerful things to describe, and try to make my letters interesting. As you know, I enjoy writing, and out here it will help to pass the time. Also, I'd like to put down an account of all that happens to me. If you keep the letters, they will make a sort of record of my time in France.
May 20th (Diary)
The gloom merchants in the Mess say that even the Pup is obsolescent. It's been in service in France since October, and hasn't a chance against the new Albatros D-III, except at 17,000 feet up. The gloomers also say that the average life of a scout pilot on the Arras Front is still under three weeks. A lot of bally hot air, they're just trying to put the wind up us new boys.
Monday, May 21st
Every day a fresh batch of pilots arrives from England, but most of them go on to No 2 A.D. The newspapers say that the Arras push is now practically over, but it certainly isn't for the R.F.C., judging by the number of reinforcements going south. Something must be doing in the north too, for each day four or five pilots leave on posting. Crossley tenders arrive from the squadrons to take them, and they dash off in high spirits, just as if they were going on holiday.
I'm still waiting patiently, or, by now, impatiently, for my turn. It's an odd feeling, waiting. Somewhere, out in the squadrons, is a pilot who, today, tomorrow, will be shot down, killed, wounded or taken prisoner, and into his place, maybe into his machine, I shall move. Waiting to climb into dead men's cockpits, somebody called it, though I think this is piling it on. I may relieve a time-expired pilot who's done his six months, for that's as much as the average fellow can take if his squadron is a lot in action. If he's not rested then, he begins to crack up under the strain. I've learned all this in the never-ending discussions in the Mess.
Everybody is fed up to read about the strike of engineers, and how the production of howitzers is now held up. And we're jolly glad that some of the leaders have been arrested. It makes you sick to hear of these b — — s striking for yet more money, and holding up the weapons which the men out here desperately need to fight with, especially the P.B.I., the princely pay of a shilling a day or thereabouts. Strikers did the same last month for the R.F.C., in the middle of the Arras massacre, and held up the supply of Sopwith two-seaters (called 11/2-strutters), and 45 Squadron had to fall back on even older Nieuport two-seaters, which didn't do their casualty lists any good.
I and five other merchants have just been sent for to ferry some more Quirks to Candas. It's a damn' scandal that such dangerous crocks are still being sent to France. Compared with a Pup, every variation of the B.E. is like flying a mangle. I feel darned sorry for the poor devils who have to take them up against Albatroses. It's as bad as sentencing every other man to death.
By the way, I hear that the pilot who didn't arrive at Candas two days ago crashed his B.E. into a wood and killed himself. You see what I mean when I write about fellows being sent out here to fight when they haven't even learned to fly.
(Continues…)
Excerpted from "No Parachute"
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Table of Contents
Author's Note ix
Foreword xii
Part 1 The Pilots' Pool 1
Part 2 The Ypres Front 10
Part 3 The Battle of Messines 40
Part 4 The Vimy Front 67
Part 5 Air Defence of London 95
Part 6 The Third Battle of Ypres 105
Part 7 The Arras Front 125
Part 8 The Battle of Cambrai 158
Part 9 Cambrai Aftermath 204
Postscript 218
Appendix A The Failure in High Command 220
Appendix B Trenchard's Strategy of the Offensive 224
Appendix C Why No Parachutes? 226
Index 234