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Overview
Once the nation’s most popular sociologist, Tom McMann searches for a research subject that will invigorate his career. Unlike any study he’s seen before, he targets the Truth Seekers, an up-and-coming cult that seeks flying saucers, utopian planets, and new spiritual plains. An irresistible mixture of New Age cranks and sci-fi nerds, they are ruled over by Verena, a beautiful young telepath who believes she has a hotline to another world. The Seekers are isolated, committed, and eccentric, but most importantly, they’re hiring.
Assisted by his wide-eyed young colleague, Roger Zimmern, McMann infiltrates the Truth Seekers, hoping to see how the zealots respond if questioned by someone within their midst. But when Verena’s babblings start to make a little too much sense, the researchers must choose between losing their minds and buying one-way tickets to outer space.
From the National Book Award–shortlisted author of Foreign Affairs, The War Between the Tates, and The Last Resort, this is a richly funny novel that will dazzle and entertain.
This ebook features an illustrated biography of Alison Lurie including rare images from the author’s collection.
Product Details
| ISBN-13: | 9781453271193 |
|---|---|
| Publisher: | Open Road Media |
| Publication date: | 11/13/2012 |
| Sold by: | Barnes & Noble |
| Format: | eBook |
| Pages: | 292 |
| Sales rank: | 481,089 |
| File size: | 8 MB |
About the Author
Hometown:
Ithaca, New York; London, England; Key West, FloridaDate of Birth:
September 3, 1926Place of Birth:
Chicago, IllinoisEducation:
A.B., Radcliffe College, 1947Read an Excerpt
Imaginary Friends
A Novel
By Alison Lurie
OPEN ROAD INTEGRATED MEDIA
Copyright © 1967 Alison LurieAll rights reserved.
ISBN: 978-1-4532-7119-3
CHAPTER 1
I've spent a lot of time over the past months thinking about what happened to Tom McMann and me last winter in Sophis: asking myself exactly what it was the Truth Seekers did to us there, and how. Could any group of rural religious cranks really have driven a well-known sociologist out of his mind, and his assistant almost out of the profession? Or were they just, so to speak, the innocent flock of birds into which we flew our plane? And was the crash real or imaginary? There is a very good possibility, you see, that it was partly stage-managed. And is McMann really mad now, or not? What does "being mad" mean, anyhow?
The problem presents itself constantly, since this office is directly across the corridor from the one McMann used to occupy. A lot of his stuff is still in there; that long, smudged shape you can see through the frosted glass, hanging on the back of the door, is his raincoat.
When I first got to the university, a year ago last fall, I used to look at that door and think that behind it sat Thomas B. McMann, the author of We and They: Role Conflict in River City—one of the first books of its kind in the field, and one of the best, a classic of descriptive sociology. Yes, he was right across the hall, and I was one of his colleagues.
If he doesn't come back this summer, I suppose the janitors will clear everything out of that office before the new small-group man arrives in September. Meanwhile, there is an impressive library in there: books, journals, reports. Bob Onland, my office mate, says I ought to offer to keep part of it—the back files of the AJS and ASR, for instance, which McMann had been saving for at least twenty-five years—since he was in graduate school at Chicago. But do I really want to stock up my shelves, and by implication my mind, with all those years of footnotes and data? What good did they do him?
Apart from his professional reputation, McMann was known around the university for his good nature. He was the straight man of a rather eccentric and withdrawn department, the walking proof that social scientists can be social beings: big, slow, good-looking for a man of his age (early fifties), with a taste for Scotch and sports events, a rough but not sharp edge to his speech. He was the natural choice for any liaison operation with non-professionals: heads of other departments, administration, groups of students or alumni; he lectured on Parents' Day to large, enthusiastic crowds. He was good at explaining things in print, too (Harper's, the New York Times magazine section, the student paper), under titles like "The Social Scientist Today: Seer or Statistician?" He is missed around here: all sorts of people, from janitors to deans, keep asking me for news of him.
The official story, outside the department, is that McMann is on leave of absence for reasons of health. But naturally there are all kinds of rumors going around; some quite fantastic, others pretty near the truth. "Listen, what happened to Professor McMann?" I overheard one student asking another in the campus store the other day. "I was planning to take his course." "Well, you know what I heard," the other said. "He took off in a flying saucer.... Yeah, he's at the laughing academy."
Though he got on with everyone else so well, when I arrived at the university McMann would hardly give me the time of day. When someone you admire like that obviously has no use for you, it's discouraging. If you are a naive, brand-new Ph.D., as I was then, you think to yourself, This great man sees right into my soul, and there he sees an insignificant worm. At first I hoped that if I kept on being agreeable, McMann's dislike of me would go away before anyone else noticed it. It didn't though. If anything, it increased.
Finally, after a couple of months, I got up nerve to ask Bob Onland if he knew what the hell McMann had against me. Oh sure, Bob said; didn't I know that? Well, don't worry, it was nothing personal; it was just that from McMann's point of view I was a snotty young Columbia intellectual who had been hired behind his back last fall while he was away, instead of some guy he wanted from Chicago. The fact that, like McMann, I was the empirical type of social scientist, didn't make any difference. The way it looked to him, Ginsman and Mayonne and the rest of the tenure staff had brought me here to annoy him.
After this I stopped edging up to McMann at every opportunity (in the lunch line at the faculty club, for instance) and asking him if when he did the survey of such-and-such in "River City" he had ever thought of doing thus-and-so. I had thought I was showing flattering interest in his work; but it must have seemed to him as if I were officiously pointing out holes in it.
McMann's rudeness moderated into a cold politeness now, no more. But I was determined to get to know him, to demonstrate my respect. I started going to him when I had a problem: asking as respectfully as I could what to read on a certain topic, or how to handle a difficult student. For months McMann remained chilly, though he gave me some excellent advice. He was still suspicious, obviously; he suggested several times, in a sort of angry joking tone, that I was probably going to report what he had said to Mayonne or Ginsman, who would then recommend some other book or procedure.
The first crack in the ice came one day when I happened to make a joke about the Parsonians. I said something about Boxes and Arrows, which was how we used to refer to their work when I was an undergraduate, and he really lit up. I was a joke in his favor now, an ally in the other camp. Barry Ginsman, with all his high-level abstractions and talk about dissociated interaction norms, had gone and hired himself a kid from Columbia who was laughing at him behind his back. When he found out I wasn't too sold on Steve Mayonne's rarefied brand of statistics either—The Numbers Racket, we used to call it—he really started to like me.
We had a term for the kind of sociology McMann was trained in too—all those volumes of case histories and somewhat simple-minded social diagnoses that were still on reading lists when I was in college—Nuts and Sluts. River City was a Nuts and Sluts book in its way, but then so were Street Corner Society and The Lonely Crowd.
I seldom saw McMann outside the office, and not too often there. If he was in town he would be at a committee meeting, or a football game, or giving a speech, or showing some visiting celebrity around. He was always going off on the plane to places like Washington and Texas to be on a panel or give a talk. He had no family to tie him down: he had been divorced years ago. His wife was remarried, and lived in California. McMann described her to me later, one of the few times he ever mentioned his marriage, as "a crazy, mercenary bitch"—both a Nut and a Slut.
I had no family either, but I was home most of the time. The only people I knew that first term were young couples like the Onlands with two or three small babies apiece. The students were out of bounds, and the girls in the office either stupid or married. There was a girl in New York I went down to see every month or so, which was all I could afford but wasn't so good for our interaction rate. Sometimes I went out to a concert or the movies, but mostly I sat in my apartment and corrected papers, or felt sorry for myself.
After a while, McMann began to talk a little about his own work as well as advising me on mine. One of his current concerns was with the effects of internal opposition on small groups. He was interested in what kinds of antagonism or disagreement would break a group up, or weaken it, and what kinds would strengthen it, and under what conditions.
Recently, through a newspaper item, he had heard of a spiritualist cult group in Sophis, a town about a hundred miles from the university. These people, who called themselves the Truth Seekers—or Seekers, for short—believed they were in contact with other planets. They had proof, they said, that beings of a higher order of Christian development, in another solar system, were watching over our affairs, and observing us from flying saucers, preparing to visit our earth. McMann had been looking for something like this for years, he told me. He wanted to get up a team to go and study the Seekers in action. The social isolation they must be facing would give him an ideal, almost laboratory situation. In most small groups (a graduate seminar, a Scout troop, even a Communist cell) there is some positive reinforcement from outside. In the case of the Seekers, all support would have to come from within, so that any expression by a group member of doubt or disagreement would be thrown into high relief.
McMann's basic hypothesis was that a certain minimum amount of opposition would actually be good for such a group. For one thing, up to a point the energy which the members would have to expend answering the doubts, or combating the opposition, would unite them and involve them as individuals more deeply. Even a disproof from the natural order (as, for example, the non-appearance of men from outer space) would not necessarily be fatal. His theory was that a disconfirmation of this sort would not really weaken a well-established group, as long as the members faced it together. They would simply rationalize what had happened, and alter their convictions just as much as was necessary to preserve the belief system and the group—both of which probably existed for non-ideological reasons anyway, and filled important social needs.
When McMann finally asked if I would be interested in working on this project with him for a few weeks, I didn't even wait to think it over. I could see the title of the article already, floating miragelike in the air about three feet in front of me: "We and It, or Role Conflict in a Belief Group" by McMann and Zimmern. I rushed back to my office, and blurted out my good fortune to Bob Onland.
Bob took it very flatly. He moved some graph sheets around on his desk, and arranged his six sharpened pencils in a line; and then he said that though it was none of his business, maybe he ought to put me straight. If I really wanted to make it in the department, as well as in the field, I had better not get too chummy with McMann. Sure, he was a nice guy; he had a big public reputation; but professionally, in Bob's opinion, he was on his way down. As he put it, that type, "the old-fashioned non-specialized, so-called humanistic social scientist," is becoming extinct. I could howl about what a shame that was, if I wanted to waste my energy on nostalgia. But what I ought to understand was that McMann, even if he was a great man, was a survival from the past. All he was good for now was speaking at conferences and writing popular pieces for the magazines. Since River City, over fifteen years ago, what had he accomplished?
I didn't pay too much attention to this. Bob is the kind of statistician who hasn't been in the field personally since he graduated from NYU; the kind McMann once described as "a walking IBM machine." All he does is take other people's raw data and feed it into the Computing Center, and he isn't really interested in anything less than a hundred cases.
Besides, the remark about River City was unfair, I said. It was common knowledge that McMann had been working for the past eight years on a longitudinal study of a town called Hesiod about thirty miles from the university, along with two other sociologists. A preliminary descriptive survey of the place, written by his collaborators, Sniggs and Murt, had come out several years ago, and I was looking forward to McMann's final report.
"Listen, you don't know what you're talking about," Bob told me. "That study is never going to be published.... Why? ... Because he can't get the data to complete it. Those people out in Hesiod wouldn't let a sociologist within ten miles of the place now.... Well, I don't know the whole story. It was all before my time. But originally, as I heard it, Hesiod was going to be the big project for this whole department. They worked on the preliminary report for about two years, and then there was some methodological conflict, or personality clash, and Sniggs and Murt quit the project. They left the university too. Anyhow, as soon as they got out of here they went ahead and published their findings separately. Well, somehow the book got back to Hesiod, and everybody in town read it. Sniggs and Murt hadn't bothered to disguise their data much, so there it all was. How much each of the principal citizens took in per year, how the wife of the bank president was a junkman's daughter, and the Presbyterian minister had been born an Irish Catholic; how there were two bookies in Hesiod and one full-time professional whore; how one out of seven girls had to leave high school because she got knocked up; and a whole lot more. This information was no surprise to them, they already knew it; but now it was out in public, in a book, where outsiders could see it. The next time McMann and his students hit town, they practically ran them out of Hesiod on a rail.
"Sure, all right, all right," Bob continued. "Maybe he did get a raw deal. Some people think so. But another version is that he got Sniggs and Murt fired from the department, and was planning to publish their data under his name, only they beat him to it.... I didn't say I believed that. But you know, it might have been the best thing that could've happened for McMann's reputation. It gave him the perfect excuse for not putting out another book.... No, it never occurred to me to investigate it. I don'twant to find out who was right. It was a long time ago, and I've got enough troubles of my own....
"Anyhow, if I were you," he concluded, "I'd just forget the whole thing. Tell McMann you're sorry, but it turns out you haven't got time to work for him. If he insists, you can go talk to Steve Mayonne about it."
If there had been a chance before that I would decline to join the Sophis Project, there was none now. I was determined not to have Bob Onland think I had taken his craven advice.
There were some things about the project that bothered me a little, though. I wasn't a small-group man, and the thought of spending days or weeks out in the sticks somewhere with a bunch of religious fanatics made me uneasy. But I liked the outer-space aspect of it: the idea that science now dominated the culture to the point where people were sitting round a table conjuring up ectoplasmic rayguns and little green men instead of ladies in white veils.
What would the members of such a group actually be like? Social misfits, obviously; dreamers. People who weren't satisfied with life in a declining rural area, but for some reason hadn't had the energy, or enterprise, to get out. You read a lot about alienation and loss of identity in the city; what about the small town? Who were those people, for instance, in terms of age, sex, income, race, religious background, politics?
I might get a couple of good articles out of Sophis myself, I thought. That would be one up on my friends in New York who were so sorry for Roger Zimmern when he had to leave civilization. I started seeing more titles: "Anomie in a Small-Town Setting." "Science as a Belief System—a Rural Case Study." When I left for vacation, it was definitely arranged that I would work with McMann on the Sophis Project, starting in the fall.
McMann had everything set up when I got back to the university in September. He had a small grant from NIMH for a pilot study, and had hired a secretary. The Seekers were still in operation; he had been following the local paper, and though there hadn't been any more news stories, they had run two announcements of their meetings among the church notices. This was good: it meant the Seekers were looking for new members, and we should have no trouble making contact. As McMann put it, all systems were Go.
The news item picked up by the AP last spring had said that messages from the other planets were being received by Verena Roberts of 119 West Hawthorne Street. This was the same address given for the meetings of the Truth Seekers Discussion Group. We had checked the Sophis area phone book, but there was no one named Roberts on West Hawthorne Street. If Verena Roberts really lived there, she must be a boarder, or a dependent relative: a nutty mother-in-law, or peculiar maiden aunt. The simplest approach would be to go to West Hawthorne Street and ask for her.
It was McMann's idea that I should drive to Sophis some weekend, look the place over, and make the initial contact. If things seemed promising, he and a couple of graduate students who were planning to work on the study would move in later. If I ran into trouble, or made a fool of myself, they could alter their approach accordingly. In other words, I was somewhat expendable.
(Continues...)
Excerpted from Imaginary Friends by Alison Lurie. Copyright © 1967 Alison Lurie. Excerpted by permission of OPEN ROAD INTEGRATED MEDIA.
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