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| ISBN-13: | 9780854046300 |
|---|---|
| Publisher: | RSC |
| Publication date: | 12/22/2003 |
| Series: | RSC Paperbacks , #34 |
| Pages: | 760 |
| Product dimensions: | 7.45(w) x 9.70(h) x (d) |
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A History of Beer and Brewing
By Ian S. Hornsey
The Royal Society of Chemistry
Copyright © 2003 The Royal Society of ChemistryAll rights reserved.
ISBN: 978-0-85404-630-0
CHAPTER 1
The Beginnings
HOW MIGHT FERMENTED BEVERAGES HAVE ORIGINATED?
The sensation of thirst is the psychological correlate of the metabolic functions of water. In direct importance drink comes after air, and before food. Thus, in the field of social psychology, drink has played a more important part than food, especially since the primitive discovery of fermentation, and more latterly, distillation, made ethyl alcohol a constituent of drinkables. After being weaned from his mother's milk, Man found water a "natural" drink. But, as experimentation with different edible materials proceeded, the sensation of thirst was replaced by the sense of taste. The resulting complex "sense of drink" was to be satisfied by a series of discoveries which gave some beverages certain properties of both food and drugs.
Perusal of any encyclopaedia available today will indicate to the reader that "alcohol", as a beverage, originated way back in prehistory. This may, or may not, be true. If true, then the first instances of alcoholic fermentation were almost certainly a result of serendipity, and it is possible that the "chance occurrence" was made whilst Man was still nomadic. The chances of this happening only once on the planet are surely very low, and we are, therefore, forced to conclude that potable alcohol must have been "discovered" independently by a number of groups of nomadic prehistoric peoples. It might have been from rotting fruit; it may have been from stale honey, or even from suppurating dates, damaged cacti or festering palm sap. We shall probably never know for certain. In this day and age, it is difficult for us to understand how those early people would have felt after their first taste of the mood-altering liquid, although it is to be reasonably assumed that they would have already been familiar with the effects of ingesting certain species of mushroom, the hallucinogenic nature of which must have been familiar to mankind in Mesolithic times, if not before (McKenna, 1992). One thing we can be sure of is that the lack of reality caused by drunkenness must have been profoundly welcoming in an otherwise drear world. This sort of ethos has been discussed at length by Mary Douglas (1987), who, whilst admitting that there were important economic undertones associated with the preparation and consumption of alcohol, says that "drinking is essentially a social act, performed in a recognised social context" and that complimenting the economic and social functions, alcoholic beverages serve to construct "an ideal world". In Douglas' words: "They make an intelligible, bearable world which is much more how an ideal world should be than the painful chaos threatening all the time." These worlds, she notes, "are not false worlds, but fragile ones, momentarily upheld and easily overturned".
Richard Rudgeley (1993), is of the opinion that even as far back as the Palaeolithic, mankind was possessed of more unoccupied time than some of the early anthropologists had thought. Accordingly, our ancestors of that era would have had sufficient time available for experimenting with "magic mushrooms", and for establishing ritualistic behaviour based upon the use of them; what we might refer to nowadays as "intoxication cults". Rudgeley argues that, with the evolution of agricultural practice, and the associated labour involved, it was Neolithic man that would have had less free time at his disposal for pursuing enjoyment. The appearance of fungi was very much a "hit-and-miss" occurrence, and certainly very seasonal, something that would have encouraged those inchoate people to look for alternative, less spasmodic, sources of euphoria. In this context, we find that, in Europe at least, around 6000–5000 BC, there are numerous findings of opium poppy (Papaver somniferum) seeds at burial sites, thus providing much evidence for the cultivation of that plant, presumably for its narcotic properties, as well as for its oily seeds. Evidence of opium poppy cultivation comes from the western Mediterranean, where it may have originated (Zohary & Hopf, 2000), to Poland in the east and southern Britain. Thus, even around the dawn of agriculture, the cultivation of plants with mood-altering potential (and we may include barley here, as being a basis for beer) was clearly an important facet of day-to-day life. The euphoria resulting from imbibing their alcoholic drinks, and their desire for "more", must have stimulated these people to make concentrated efforts to ensure a regular supply of the necessary raw materials. Whatever these raw materials were, we can be fairly sure that the initial forms of drinkable alcohol were very much more of a hybrid nature than we are used to today. Because of the likely scarcity of these hard-won, early forms of alcohol, it is a fair assumption that such drinks were prestigious entities, were held in high esteem, and were reserved for important figures in society, and/or special occasions: these are themes that are traceable through much of the history of Man. Plant-derived psychoactive substances and alcohol were originally used as agents of hospitality, and were thus usually consumed in public, a state of affairs that persisted for many centuries. It is only since the development of industrialised societies that public consumption of these substances has been usurped by private use, something that has led to uncontrolled usage, indulgence, abuse and, ultimately, addiction. Much of what we witness in the 21st century is a far cry from their intended use in controlled social/religious occasions.
Having mentioned addiction, mention must also be made of a recent article by Dudley (2000), who makes a case for linking the evolutionary origins of human alcoholism with our fruit-eating (frugivorous) primate ancestors. Dudley maintains that, relative to other psychoactive compounds, ethanol occupies a unique position in the nutritional ecology of mankind. As Dudley contends:
"The occurrence of ethanol in ripe and decaying fruit and the substantial hereditability of alcoholism in humans suggest an important historical association between primate frugivory and alcohol consumption. Olfactory localisation of ripe fruits via volatilised alcohols, the use of alcohol as an appetitive stimulant, and the consumption of fruits with substantial ethanol content, potentially characterise all frugivorous primates, including hominoids and the lineage leading to modern humans. Patterns of alcohol use by humans in contemporary environments may thus reflect a maladaptive co-option of ancestral nutritional strategies. Although diverse factors contribute to the expression of alcoholism as a clinical syndrome, historical selection for the consumption of ethanol in the course of frugivory can be viewed as a subtle, yet persuasive, evolutionary influence on modern humans."
A number of different animal forms use ethanol as a nutritional cue for locating ripe fruit, including mammals, birds and insects (e.g. the fruit fly, Drosophila, and fruit-feeding butterflies). What these animals are doing is associating ethanol with nutritional reward, i.e. calorific gain. Birds and mammals are, of course, the principal animals involved in such behaviour, and they are being directed towards ripe fruit, which has maximum calorific benefit. Sugar levels in the fleshy mesocarp of ripe fruits can, exceptionally, be as high as 60% of fruit mass (but, are typically 5–15%), and this represents a significant amount of substrate for fermentation by yeast, as well as plentiful calories for frugivors. Ripeness of fruit indicates that the plant is ready to disperse its seeds; for that is the job of the hungry frugivor. As far as the plant is concerned, fruit ripening is a complex biochemical process, involving conversion of starch to sugar; production of volatile compounds, and changes in colour and texture. There is a biological disadvantage to the plant in disseminating immature seed, and so to prevent premature interest by dispersing frugivors, a number of defence mechanisms have evolved, which deter both animals and spoilage organisms. Upon ripening, these defence mechanisms are relaxed, and this renders the fruit prone to microbial attack. This initiates a race between dispersing frugivors and micro-organisms for nutritional gain. Only a victory by the dispersal agent will ensure reproduction of the plant species.
Most fruits support a large and varied yeast surface flora, as well as numerous moulds and bacteria, and the widespread occurrence of anti-fungal and antibacterial agents within ripe fruits suggests that there is considerable evolutionary pressure on plants to impede microbe-induced fermentations, which lead ultimately to decay. Fermentation of fruit by yeasts yields a variety of alcohols, ethanol being predominant, and their formation is seen as part of a strategy to deter non-dispersing vertebrates. Ripe fruit in large quantity is a rare commodity, even in tropical forests, where a substantial number of fleshy fruit-bearing plants are found. Not by coincidence are tropical forests the haunt of the greatest number of frugivorous primates. According to anthropologists, frugivory emerged as a major dietary strategy among anthropoids by the mid- to late Eocene, which accorded those animals that first took to eating fruit (and concurrently ingesting ethanol) the selective advantages resulting from some 40 million years experience! Having said that, the intentional fermentation of fruits and cereal grains is a relatively recent introduction to the history of humans, and the exposure of Homo sapiens to concentrations of alcohol above those attainable by fermentation alone, is even more recent.
Joffe (1998) feels that "the discovery of fermentation is likely to have been early, going hand-in-hand with, if not precipitating, increased familiarity with and manipulation of grains during prehistory". He cites the work of Braidwood (1953) and Katz and Voigt (1986), who maintain that it was the knowledge of how to brew that stimulated prehistoric man to adopt a sedentary way of life. In view of what we now know, it is rather more likely that the ability to consistently produce specific alcoholic beverages, such as beer, wine and mead, was a consequence of a farming (or, maybe, horticultural) tradition, and did not evolve until mankind had ceased to be a nomadic hunter-gatherer. Indeed, of the development of the art of alcoholic fermentation, Andrew Sherratt (1997), someone who does not feel that it went way back into prehistory, says, "I think it is more like horses, ploughs and woolly sheep – a second-generation development of the farming tradition."
Joffe has also argued that, in the light of floral, ceramic and iconographic evidence, the production and consumption of alcoholic beverages, particularly beers and wines, have played an important role in the socio-economic development of early man, and were fundamental in the emergence of complex, hierarchically organised societies, such as were emergent in the Near East (beer and wine), the Levant (wine) and Egypt (beer). The rise of social complexity involved a series of diverse, interrelated processes, such as the need to provide food (via organised agriculture), and the need to organise and mobilise labour. Joffe considered that the creation and use of beer (and wine) represented a small but significant step in the establishment of some of the more important socio-economic and political facets of a complex society. For example, he mentions that beer and wine could be used for: a source of nutrition; the reorganisation of agricultural production; intra- and inter -social exchange; and labour mobilisation. Beer and wine were also regarded as elite symbols in society. In relation to the latter point, Joffe goes further than merely proposing beer as being a small factor in the development of early societies, when he states:
"The appearance of beer has been regarded by some as an indicator of social complexity – the rather prosaic knowledge of brewing being regarded, in a sense following the Sumerian lead, as a sign of civilised behaviour."
As urbanisation occurred, the need to minimise any risks involved with food procurement became paramount, and this could only realistically be effected through the state control of subsistence. Distribution of alcoholic drinks proved to be a useful tool for promoting allegiance in the huge state labour forces involved in the provision of food. It has been argued, maybe somewhat tongue-in-cheek, that in urban situations, increasing population densities resulted in the contamination of water supplies, and that this actually stimulated the search for suitable alternatives to water. Beer was the logical alternative, and it proved not only to be easily accessible, but a cheap source of calories and a stimulant. As we have said, in some contexts, it was also regarded as a luxury. On the negative side, over-indulgence could have unfortunate consequences. It is because of this ability to alter consciousness that alcoholic beverages, if we encompass Douglas' notions above, would surely have found an important niche in emerging complex societies, when there must have been numerous unpleasant transformations for individuals to undergo. The same mind-altering capacity has ensured that alcoholic beverages and intoxicated states both have a role in many rituals and religious beliefs.
Ethanol is unique among addictive compounds, because it is nutritionally beneficial. The calorific value of ethanol is 7.1 kcal g-1, which is almost twice that for carbohydrates (4.1 kcal g-1). Individuals who regularly imbibe alcoholic beverages may derive from 2–10% of their calorific intake from ethanol; the value can be as high as 50% in the case of alcoholics. Another characteristic of ethanol is that it is one of a number of chemicals that may be classed as hormetic. Hormetics are beneficial at low concentrations, but toxic or stressful in high doses. According to Dudley, this nutrient-toxic continuum, which is called hormesis, reflects evolutionary exposure and adaptation to substances that naturally occur in the environment at low concentrations. He maintains:
"For animal frugivors, specific hormetic advantages may derive from historical exposure to ethanol and fermentation products. An evolutionary perspective on hormesis suggests that behavioural responses towards particular compounds should vary according to relative availability and predictability in the diet. If regular exposure to low concentrations of ethanol is an inevitable consequence of ripe fruit consumption, then selection will favour the evolution of metabolic adaptations that maximise physiological benefits and minimise any costs associated with ethanol ingestion. This argument pertains, however, only to those ethanol concentrations historically encountered by frugivorous hominoids. Exposure to much higher concentrations of a hormetic substance would, by contrast, induce maladaptive responses."
Apart from the consideration of when consistently reproducible alcoholic fermentations were first discovered, another leading question is: "where did it all begin?"; was "controlled" fermentation the discovery of one culture, or did the methodology evolve independently in disparate regions of the globe? If we consider the major raw materials of fermentation (i.e. sources of sugar) that were generally available to pre-Neolithic peoples, then we find that these would have been limited to wild berries (and other fruits, including the grape), tree sap, honey, and possibly milk from animals. Such materials would have provided a sugar spectrum consisting basically of sucrose, glucose, fructose, and possibly lactose. With the possible exception of milk, all of these raw materials would have only been available on a seasonal basis, and all of them would have been exceptionally difficult to hold in store for intended year-round supply. Thus, both raw materials and end-products were unstable and not available for consumption at all times of the year. Even water, as a basic drink, and as a major raw material for alcoholic drinks, was not universally and invariably available in prehistory, and sources of it were to condition the eventual location of human settlements, certainly until the late Neolithic, when artificial water sources start to become attested archaeologically. A stone-lined well was built at Hacilar, in Anatolia, in the early 6th millennium BC, and wells have been attributed to the central European Linearbandkeramik Culture (mid-6th millennium BC).
(Continues...)
Excerpted from A History of Beer and Brewing by Ian S. Hornsey. Copyright © 2003 The Royal Society of Chemistry. Excerpted by permission of The Royal Society of Chemistry.
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Table of Contents
The Beginnings; Ancient Egypt; Ancient Near East; Other Ancient Beer-drinking Peoples; The British Isles and North-west Europe; From the Norman Conquest to the End of the Tudors; The Start of Large-scale Brewing; Some Beer Styles and Some Breweries; The Twentieth Century; Appendices; Subject Index.What People are Saying About This
Likely the best book on beer I have ever read....trustworthy completeness. This is the best history I have encountered to date.