Heroes or Villains?: The True Story of Saving Jews in Occupied France Where There Were Heroes and Villains and Sometimes, You Could Not Tell the Difference
344
Heroes or Villains?: The True Story of Saving Jews in Occupied France Where There Were Heroes and Villains and Sometimes, You Could Not Tell the Difference
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| ISBN-13: | 9781524643720 |
|---|---|
| Publisher: | AuthorHouse |
| Publication date: | 10/19/2016 |
| Sold by: | Barnes & Noble |
| Format: | eBook |
| Pages: | 344 |
| File size: | 627 KB |
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Heroes or Villains?
The True Story of Saving Jews in Occupied France Where There Were Heroes and Villains and Sometimes, You Could Not Tell the Difference
By Carl L. Steinhouse
AuthorHouse
Copyright © 2016 Carl L. SteinhouseAll rights reserved.
ISBN: 978-1-5246-4373-7
CHAPTER 1
The word of Damocles
August 1937, Paris, France, Hôtel Matignon, Residence of the Premier
Premier Camille Chautemps sighed. Leading the French Third Republic was starting to get away from him. He was being bombarded from all sides — from the politicians on the right for being weak-kneed towards their Fascist neighbors — and from the pacifists on the left, accusing him of warmongering for suggesting any resistance to the aggressive moves by the Germany or Italy. Indeed, his own finance minister, Georges-Étienne Bonnet, became a leading figure on the appeasement front. Bonnet explained, and apparently really believed, that Hitler required a free hand in the East to counter threats from uncivilized Russia and its communism. He did worse than merely urging appeasement; Bonnet, in his capacity as finance minister actually weakened France, by slashing its military budget, following a devaluation of the French franc.
For the Fascist nations, Italy made the first move in Ethiopia when it launched an invasion and discovered there was no interference from Britain or France; they had more interest in retaining Italy as an ally in case hostilities broke out with Germany. In this first sign of appeasement, popping up in early 1935, and designed to secure Italy's cooperation, France agreed to give Italy a free hand in Africa, including Ethiopia. The Rightists blamed Chautemps, even though he was not in office at the time.
In the second move, the Germans invaded the Rhineland, an area that Hitler claimed was necessary to have because of the recent Franco-Soviet Pact, which the Germans feared would rearm France. This occurred in March 1936, also well before Chautemps took office. Oh, the French made a lot of noise and massed troops on the Rhineland border but, as Hitler predicted, it was only noise; France, while protesting loudly, neither sent its massed troops over the border nor otherwise opposed the takeover. Critics of the French government claimed that the Germans would have backed down at that point had France shown some backbone. Chautemps didn't disagree with that position, but once again, he was not premier back then and had no say in the decision. Sadly, there was no way to turn back the clock.
In the third move, the Germans intervened militarily in the Spanish Civil War on the side of the fascist Generalissimo Francisco Franco, helping to defeat the incumbent Republican Spanish government. Once again, the French government planned to support the Republicans but did not after Britain pressured it to stay out of it because, the Brits said, the Spanish government was Marxist. Once again, this did not happen on Chautemps' watch. But it didn't seem to matter to the public because now he was the French government and, as such, would have to shoulder the blame for France's prior acts or failure to act.
Finally, France stood down after Hitler marched into Austria. Now this was on Chautemps' watch. Once again, Britain warned France that it would get no support if it intervened or, putting it more bluntly, if it went to war with Germany over Austria. The failure of these two democracies to act did not escape Hitler's notice, giving him the confidence for his next takeovers, made easier by the fact that the takeover of Austria left his next target, Czechoslovakia, surrounded on three sides by potentially hostile forces, and most important, the Germans now flanked the Czech's substantial defense fortifications facing Germany, making those fortifications almost irrelevant.
The meeting with his appeasement-minded Finance Minister Bonnet did not please Premier Chautemps. "Next," the premier grumbled, "Hitler will move into Sudetenland while we get weaker and he gets stronger. That reality is not a good position for France to be in."
Bonnet shrugged. "An alternate reality is that if we had gone to the aid of Austria, or if we plan to go to the aid of Czechoslovakia, it would have meant war with Germany, a war we could not win."
Chautemps nodded. "And Britain still demands France's neutrality to maintain our alliance. Without the alliance, we'd be left alone in a war against Germany."
Bonnet nodded. "Above all else, we must maintain our relationship with the British."
"Either way," Chautemps said in reflection, "Germany wins. We have been very adroitly painted into a corner. Incidentally, one of the builders of the Maginot Line is urging us to extend the line to along the Belgium border to prevent the Germans from going around those fortifications."
Bonnet shook his head. "We can't afford it, and besides, I think that defensive line is more than adequate. Our generals assure us the Boche will never be able to attack us through the Ardennes Forest. It's a natural barrier."
Chautemps sighed. "Well, you're the finance minister. I certainly hope you are correct. I can't say I share your optimism."
"We must balance the budget to hold the franc's value against gold," Bonnet insisted. "Otherwise, foreign speculators will have a field day with our currency turning it into their own plaything."
"We gamble either way we go," Chautemps grumbled irritably. "I must tell you that despite what you say, I am particularly uncomfortable with cutting the military budget."
September 26, 1938, Berlin
Adolf Hitler had planned to invade Czechoslovakia on October 1, but encountered some resistance from several of his generals, who still thought that the German army was not yet ready to take on a serious war with England and France, at least not until 1940. In their first meeting on Czechoslovakia, British Prime Minister Neville Chamberlain had conferred with Hitler at Berchtesgaden, hoping to forestall a German takeover.
Hitler, in no mood for niceties, had acted undiplomatically blunt. "Would Britain agree to a cessation of the Sudeten region to Germany, or would she not?" Hitler posited in no uncertain terms.
Hitler saw Chamberlain waffle. He also recalled that the British leader never took any action when Germany took over Austria.
"Well," Chamberlain replied, "I cannot commit myself until I confer with my cabinet and the French government, but personally, I could support the detachment of the Sudeten regions."
Hitler nodded, not surprised at Chamberlain's backpedaling. The German leader could recognize a surrender when it was proffered, even when couched in weasel words. He'd send the cowardly Chamberlain a moderate and complimentary letter encouraging a meeting in order to come to an agreement, thus avoiding war. The friendly missive did the trick — turning the vain Chamberlain's head, as Hitler had figured it would. The German ambassador in Paris had told Hitler that French Premier Daladier, who had succeeded Camille Chautemps, is threatening to mobilize the military and come to the aid of the Czechs. Colonel Alfred Jodl, whom Hitler planned to promote to the rank of general and chief of staff, also warned about this. But Hitler knew that the French would never intervene without the support of the British. So I'll let the French make noise — because that's all it is.
Hitler thus decided to invade Czechoslovakia, already surrounded after the Germans annexed Austria. In the meantime, I'll have my diplomat in Prague assure the Czechs that we have no aggressive intentions toward them.
Hitler disliked written pacts and treaties — he liked to think of himself as a man of action, a man of the sword!
September 28, 1938, London, Office of the Prime Minister, 10 Downing Street
The two British diplomats that met with Hitler in Berlin had warned Chamberlain of Hitler's intransigence. Sir Horace Wilson reported that Hitler simply shrugged when Wilson had warned Hitler that if hostilities broke out between the Germans and French, Britain would come to the aid of France. Hitler claimed all he was interested in was whether Czechoslovakia accepted his terms or not and, if rejected, he would destroy that country. "If England and France elect to strike at Germany," Hitler shouted passionately, "let them proceed, I simply don't care. Then, by next week, we shall be at war with both of them!"
Hitler's stance firmed Chamberlain's resolve to seek and find an accommodation with the German dictator — and drag the reluctant Czechs along. He already warned French Premier Daladier not to read more into Britain's warnings on Czechoslovakia than is warranted; that Britain would come to France's aid for an unprovoked attack on it by Germany. This did not mean Britain would take part in a joint military action to preserve the Czechs from an attack by Germany. The Czechs, Chamberlain insisted, must be more reasonable in dealing with Germany.
* * *
Premier Daladier shook his head, musing to himself, having just met with the British diplomat. Chamberlain is waffling yet again, backing away from France, which wants to support Czechoslovakia's independence. Why should I be surprised? If Britain did not support us when the Germans moved into the Rhineland, why should I expect a different result here? Britain said it would make a vigorous protest. Big deal! Many in the French Parliament see a Russian alliance as the way to maintain peace. Britain cannot be expected to field an army in the east nor can it defend our eastern border. Germany, I fear — no, I know — is too strong for France to face alone. My generals tell me that we are not prepared for a war on our own. Just maybe then, a pact with Russia really is the way to go. Daladier sighed. Who knows? It's the devil's own choice. If we stand up to Hitler now, we will have war; if we don't it will simply precipitate a war in the future. Domination of Europe is Hitler's ultimate aim. Of that I have no doubt.
* * *
Later that day, Prime Minister Chamberlain nervously fingered a silver letter opener, waiting for the explosion from Winston Churchill, First Lord of the Admiralty and a long-time political foe in the House of Commons. Lord George and Lord Moyne had urged Chamberlain to simply hear what Churchill had to say about the coming Munich meeting with Hitler on Czechoslovakia. Now Lord George had the feeling that encouraging Churchill had been a big mistake. He wasn't wrong.
All eyes focused on Churchill, who stood up and began to pace, a tactical maneuver because he always like to argue with his arms and hands in big gestures, and that was harder to do sitting down. "Mr. Prime Minister, we know Herr Hitler's intentions, we can read it in his book, Mein Kampf. If we give him Czechoslovakia, he won't stop there. He has already shown his true stripes by marching into the Rhineland in 1935 and into Austria last year, in clear violation of the Treaty of Versailles. You met with Hitler at Berchtesgaden and you waffled on the Fuhrer's plan to annex the Sudeten region. Why didn't you and the French object?"
Chamberlain interrupted. "But I did not agree either!"
Churchill scowled. "No, but you might just as well have; your tepid response told Hitler all he wanted to know. And the French premier was no better. The result? Hitler understood those signals and now knows that Czechoslovakia is his for taking! Witness his ultimatum to the Czechs."
Chamberlain picked up a paper sitting on his desk. "You are wrong. Hitler has backed down. He telegraphed me. Let me read it to you. 'After reading your letter, I feel certain that we can get all essentials without war, and without delay.'
"As you know, Hitler issued an invitation to our government, to France, and to Italy, to come to Munich tomorrow to settle the Czech question. I think Herr Hitler is being very reasonable. He's willing to give a formal guarantee for the remainder of Czechoslovakia."
Churchill replied in that infuriatingly questioning and sarcastic tone for which he had become well known. "Then why hasn't Hitler invited the one person who has the most to lose — the Czech prime minister?" Before Chamberlain could reply, Churchill answered his own question. "I'll tell you why, Prime Minister. Because Hitler feels he can pull the wool over your eyes, but not over those of the Czechs."
Chamberlain smiled. "Well then, you are alone in your worries. When I announced the meeting to the House of Commons, there was wild cheering and shouts of 'Thank God for the prime minister.'"
Chamberlain looked directly at Churchill. "Look, I detest that pompous bastard, Hitler, but I consider it a reasonable price to pay to calm down the Nazis and not have them do anything precipitous like start a catastrophic war in Europe. If you think about it, we are partly to blame for this situation, which is causing Hitler to merely fix the terrible injustices foisted on the German people by the Versailles Peace Treaty in 1919."
Churchill stared down Chamberlain. "Then Lord help this nation — and the French — if they are as naïve as you. I can't believe you bought into Hitler's excuse of the injustices at Versailles. That's just plain poppycock! I have nothing further to add except to say, at this meeting with Hitler, you may be faced with a choice between war and shame, and if, God forbid, you choose shame, we will simply face war later, and on much less favorable terms."
September 29, 1938, London, Office of Anthony Eden, Britain's Former Foreign Secretary
"Some ally France is," Churchill groused to former Foreign Secretary Eden, who had resigned in February in protest of Chamberlain's appeasement policy. "Permitting itself to be almost surrounded by fascist dictatorships. Why France actually supports the fascists in Spain, I don't know."
"Well," Eden observed, "we aren't exactly opposing the fascist Franco either. Far from it. Chamberlain, if you recall, actually pushed France into abandoning the Spanish Republic by entering into a Neutrality Pact."
Churchill sighed. "I suppose so, it's really hard to support a side with so many Bolsheviks fighting on its behalf. Maybe I can understand that," Churchill continued. "But it simply doesn't make sense why neither we nor France did anything to help Ethiopia against the Italian dictator, Mussolini. Or why France permitted Hitler to occupy the Rhineland with barely a whimper."
Eden nodded. "Pierre Laval, in 1935, and my predecessor in the foreign office, Samuel Hoare, were both denounced as appeasers of Mussolini in 1936. Laval lost his job as head of the French government over it in early 1936, and my predecessor, Hoare, eventually resigned as British foreign secretary."
"And I say that's a good thing," Churchill shot back. "Laval tried to become a mini Hitler in France. He urged the French National Assembly to do away with the laws of the Third Republic and reform itself along the lines of the Hitler regime. I say good riddance to the likes of someone like him."
(Continues...)
Excerpted from Heroes or Villains? by Carl L. Steinhouse. Copyright © 2016 Carl L. Steinhouse. Excerpted by permission of AuthorHouse.
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Table of Contents
Contents
Author's Notes, xi,Cast of Characters, xv,
Organizations, xxv,
Preface, xxxi,
Chapter One The Sword of Damocles, 1,
Chapter Two The Sword Falls, 19,
Chapter Three France Falls, Treats the Beleaguered Refugees as the Enemy, 41,
Chapter Four The 'Phony' War, 48,
Chapter Five Phony War Ends; Germans Overwhelm French Defenses, 54,
Chapter Six Mussolini, Riding Hitler's Coattails, Declares War, 67,
Chapter Seven France in Abject Surrender; They Called It an 'Armistice', 76,
Chapter Eight Pétain Scuttles Democracy in France; Vichy is the New Government, 85,
Chapter Nine First Lady Supports Helping the Jews but the State Department Plans to Thwart Rescue Efforts, 91,
Chapter Ten Varian Fry Arrives in France, 96,
Chapter Eleven Some Stubborn Artists Give Fry Trouble, 103,
Chapter Twelve Crossing the Borders to Freedom, 110,
Chapter Thirteen Operation Sealion Cancelled, 118,
Chapter Fourteen Pétain Fires Laval, Assumes Dictatorial Powers, 127,
Chapter Fifteen Hitler Lays Out His Plan to Attack the Soviet Union, 134,
Chapter Sixteen State Department Bans Jewish Entry, Recalls Vice Consul Bingham, 141,
Chapter Seventeen State Sends Bingham Home and Creates More Visa Restrictions, 150,
Chapter Eighteen French Police Kick Fry Out of France; Germans Invade Russia, 155,
Chapter Nineteen The Final Solution, 168,
Chapter Twenty French Citizens Subject to Forced Labor in Germany, 177,
Chapter Twenty-One French Police Arrest Jews, 186,
Chapter Twenty-Two Le Chambon Protects the Jews, 196,
Chapter Twenty-Three Extermination of Jews Discovered and Revealed to the World, 204,
Chapter Twenty-Four Forced Labor Sends Frenchmen Fleeing into the Arms of the Résistance, 214,
Chapter Twenty-Five Roosevelt Sympathizes with Algeria's Anti-Jewish Laws, 220,
Chapter Twenty-Six The Milice, 224,
Chapter Twenty-Seven Lulu's Secret Message, 231,
Chapter Twenty-Eight The Pope Won't Condemn the Nazis; Mussolini Gone, 238,
Chapter Twenty-Nine Germans Occupy Nice; Gestapo Tortures Toureille, 249,
Chapter Thirty Laval Appoints a Thug as New Head of the Malice, 256,
Chapter Thirty-One Bip the Clown to the Rescue, 263,
Chapter Thirty-Two Odette Sent to Auschwitz; UGIF Jewish Leaders Ignore Warnings, 273,
Chapter Thirty-Three German Commander Refuses to Obey Hitler's Order to Destroy Paris; Paris Liberated, 279,
Chapter Thirty-Four Cécile and Lulu Freed, They Help the Allies Identify the SS Camp Guards, 289,
Epilogue, 295,
Bibliography, 299,
About The Author, 305,
Other Books by Author, 307,